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In: Peace review: peace, security & global change, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 331-336
ISSN: 1469-9982
In: Peace review: the international quarterly of world peace, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 331-336
ISSN: 1040-2659
In: Regional studies: official journal of the Regional Studies Association, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 190-198
ISSN: 1360-0591
In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 16, Heft 47, S. 89-110
ISSN: 1461-703X
The emerging power base of Training and Enterprise Councils raises im portant issues for the reconfiguration of local governance in England and Wales. Of particular interest is how the private sector-led TECs interface with the voluntary sector. The extent and forms of inclusion of voluntary sector interests in deciding local training programmes varies consider ably between TECs, reflecting their wide nominal discretion on how they respond to local needs. Problems in articulation of voluntary sector demands and their local legitimacy within the new local institutional terrain are important constraints on access by communities to TEC re sources.
In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 16, S. 89-110
ISSN: 0261-0183
In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 89-110
ISSN: 0261-0183
In: Human dimensions in foreign policy, military studies, and security studies 5
"In 2003, just before the start of the US invasion of Iraq, military planners predicted that the mission's success would depend on using diverse sources for their workforce. While thousands of US troops were needed to secure victory in the field, large numbers of civilian contractors--many from poor countries in Africa and Asia--were recruited to provide a range of services for the occupying forces. In Contract Workers, Risk, and the War in Iraq Kevin Thomas provides a compelling account of the recruitment of Sierra Leonean workers and their reasons for embracing the risks of migration. In recent years US military bases have outsourced contracts for services to private military corporations who recruit and capitalize on cheaper low-skilled workers. Thomas argues that for people from post-conflict countries such as Sierra Leone, where there are high levels of poverty and acute unemployment, the opportunity to improve their situation outweighs the risk of migration to war-torn Iraq. Examining migrants' experiences in their native country, their time spent at US bases, and after their return to Sierra Leone, Thomas deftly explores the intricate dynamics of risk, sets up a theoretical framework for future researchers, and offers policy recommendations for decision-makers and practitioners in the field. Incorporating the voices of Sierra Leonean contractors who were manipulated and exploited, Contract Workers, Risk, and the War in Iraq turns the spotlight on a subject that has remained on the periphery of history, and reveals an unexpected consequence of the War on Terror."--
World Affairs Online
In: Human dimensions in foreign policy, military studies, and security studies, 5
"In 2003, just before the start of the US invasion of Iraq, military planners predicted that the mission's success would depend on using diverse sources for their workforce. While thousands of US troops were needed to secure victory in the field, large numbers of civilian contractors--many from poor countries in Africa and Asia--were recruited to provide a range of services for the occupying forces. In Contract Workers, Risk, and the War in Iraq Kevin Thomas provides a compelling account of the recruitment of Sierra Leonean workers and their reasons for embracing the risks of migration. In recent years US military bases have outsourced contracts for services to private military corporations who recruit and capitalize on cheaper low-skilled workers. Thomas argues that for people from post-conflict countries such as Sierra Leone, where there are high levels of poverty and acute unemployment, the opportunity to improve their situation outweighs the risk of migration to war-torn Iraq. Examining migrants' experiences in their native country, their time spent at US bases, and after their return to Sierra Leone, Thomas deftly explores the intricate dynamics of risk, sets up a theoretical framework for future researchers, and offers policy recommendations for decision-makers and practitioners in the field. Incorporating the voices of Sierra Leonean contractors who were manipulated and exploited, Contract Workers, Risk, and the War in Iraq turns the spotlight on a subject that has remained on the periphery of history, and reveals an unexpected consequence of the War on Terror."--
In: African diaspora series
Race, ethnicity, and African immigration to the United States -- Theoretical perspectives -- Educational attainment and post-immigration schooling progress -- Occupational status, human-capital transfer, and the incorporation process -- Earnings, self-employment, and economic incorporation -- Race, ethnicity, and marital incorporation -- Conclusion -- Appendix: Data and methods used in the analysis
In: The review of black political economy: analyzing policy prescriptions designed to reduce inequalities, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 22-39
ISSN: 1936-4814
Although the number of Black immigrants in the United States is increasing, few studies have examined whether they assimilate into the liberal ideologies with which U.S.-born Blacks are typically affiliated. Using data from the National Survey on American Life, this study examines how identity formation and generational status among Black Caribbean immigrants moderate their ideological differences with U.S.-born Blacks. It shows that Black Caribbean immigrants are more likely to identify with more conservative ideologies as generational status increases. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that the adoption of a Black American racial identity is not by itself associated with an ideological convergence between Black Caribbean immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. More assimilated Black immigrants who prefer Black American rather than non-Black identities are still more likely to be conservative compared with U.S.-born Blacks. The analysis further provides a nuanced understanding of the relationship between Black racial solidarity and the political ideologies of Caribbean immigrants. It finds that immigrants who both embrace a Black American identity and are members of Black advancement organizations are more likely to have similar political ideologies as U.S.-born Blacks. However, these similarities disappear as assimilation increases.
In: Population research and policy review, Band 35, Heft 6, S. 825-849
ISSN: 1573-7829
In: Consumption, markets and culture, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 286-289
ISSN: 1477-223X
In: Advertising & society review, Band 14, Heft 2
ISSN: 1534-7311