Suchergebnisse

A champion of impoverished women, children, immigrants, and the unemployed, Edith Hancox's chosen family were capital's dispossessed. Rosemary Hennessy's material feminist theory of affect-culture and Antonio Gramsci's articulation of the impassioned organic intellectual offer a conceptual framework for the emotive role Hancox played in nurturing and sustaining working-class resistance in the aftermath of the Winnipeg General Strike. A partial biography is gleaned from contemporary newspaper reports, Hancox's journalism, government records, family correspondence, and other archival sources. What emerges is a glimpse into the actions, thoughts, and lived experiences of a profoundly significant, yet neglected, socialist feminist. An illegitimate birth, servitude, marriage, motherhood, immigration, and a critical engagement with organized religion formed the basis of Hancox's radical leadership during the Winnipeg revolt. As secretary of the first national unemployment association in Canada, Hancox mobilized thousands of the nation's workless and presented a devastating gender, race, and class critique of liberal capitalism. Through her writing and activism, she also challenged the most important leftist organizations of her era – the Labor Church, the Women's Labor League, the One Big Union, and the Communist Party of Canada – to build a more expansive and inclusive revolutionary movement.

Championne des femmes, enfants, immigrants et chômeurs pauvres, la famille choisie par Edith Hancox a l'est parmi ceux qui sont dépossédé du capital. La théorie matérialiste féministe de Rosemary Hennessy sur la culture affective et la conception d'Antonio Gramsci de l'intellectuel organique passionné offrent un cadre conceptuel pour le rôle émotif joué par Hancox dans le développement et le maintien de la résistance de la classe ouvrière au lendemain de la grève générale de Winnipeg. Une biographie partielle est tirée des articles de journaux contemporains, du journalisme de Hancox, des documents gouvernementaux, de la correspondance familiale et d'autres sources d'archives. Ce qui émerge est un aperçu des actions, des pensées et des expériences vécues d'une féministe socialiste profondément significative, mais négligée. Une naissance illégitime, la servitude, le mariage, la maternité, l'immigration et un engagement critique envers la religion organisée ont formé la base du leadership radical de Hancox pendant la révolte de Winnipeg. En tant que secrétaire de la première association nationale de lutte contre le chômage au Canada, Hancox a mobilisé des milliers de personnes sans travail et a présenté une critique dévastatrice du capitalisme libéral en matière de genre, de race et de classe. Par ses écrits et son activisme, elle a également mis au défi les organisations de gauche les plus importantes de son époque - l'Église travailliste, la Ligue des femmes travaillistes, la One Big Union et le Parti communiste du Canada – pour construire un mouvement révolutionnaire plus vaste et inclusif.

Why has anti-immigrant rhetoric risen in the United States and how has political nativism been used as a successful electoral strategy? This paper seeks to understand how American politicians have successfully used anti-immigrant rhetoric as a winning electoral strategy in the United States. The paper analyzes the structural factors around immigration; with the political and demographic factors combining those streams of data allows us to draw a conclusion on the success of this rhetoric. This paper will serve as a case study within in the US, highlighting how the Republican Party has been a victim of its own political gerrymandering, forcing Republicans them to cater to the most conservative members of the party and giving rise to elected officials with nativist views.

Why has anti-immigrant rhetoric risen in the United States and how has political nativism been used as a successful electoral strategy? This paper seeks to understand how American politicians have successfully used anti-immigrant rhetoric as a winning electoral strategy in the United States. The paper analyzes the structural factors around immigration; with the political and demographic factors combining those streams of data allows us to draw a conclusion on the success of this rhetoric. This paper will serve as a case study within in the US, highlighting how the Republican Party has been a victim of its own political gerrymandering, forcing Republicans them to cater to the most conservative members of the party and giving rise to elected officials with nativist views.

Why has anti-immigrant rhetoric risen in the United States and how has political nativism been used as a successful electoral strategy? This paper seeks to understand how American politicians have successfully used anti-immigrant rhetoric as a winning electoral strategy in the United States. The paper analyzes the structural factors around immigration; with the political and demographic factors combining those streams of data allows us to draw a conclusion on the success of this rhetoric. This paper will serve as a case study within in the US, highlighting how the Republican Party has been a victim of its own political gerrymandering, forcing Republicans them to cater to the most conservative members of the party and giving rise to elected officials with nativist views.

Abstract
Abstract.
Renewed interest in cosmopolitanism has spread across the humanities and social sciences in recent decades. However, this growth has also carried many of the values underpinning cosmopolitanism as a Kantian ideal, including a denigration of consumption and material relations in favour of a putatively social core. In this article, however, I argue that cosmopolitanism is lived through the relations and politics of materiality and consumerism. Through an investigation of ethnographies of urban poverty in Latin America, cosmopolitanism emerges as a diverse, locally instantiated ideology and identity which diverges from many of the debates circulating in sites of academia. With an emphasis on marginalised communities, I reconsider cosmopolitanism as a series of material identities and relationships that develop within the context of economic and social inequality in both local and global scales.

A significant number of people with learning disabilities live in nursing and residential homes for older people. Based on research undertaken by the Foundation for People with Learning Disabilities, this article describes why they entered these services and their lives once there. It raises serious concerns about their quality of life and challenges learning disability services to meet better the needs of people with learning disabilities as they age.

Of a total of 120 men with intellectual disabilities who were referred for sex education, 75 had allegedly perpetrated some form of sexual abuse. Presented here is a statistical analysis of the offences that these men committed and the responses they received. The most common victims are shown to be people with intellectual disabilities, women staff, children and women in the general public. Variation is found between the nature of the offences across victim groups, with people with intellectual disabilities being on the receiving end of the most serious forms of assault Seriousness of the assaults was also found to be dependent on the ability of the perpetrator. The responses to the men were not found to be correlated with the nature of the sexual abuse but to whom was abused: the abuse of children and women in the general public giving rise to the strongest responses. Protection of victims from subsequent abuse was also related to this specific variable: here people with intellectual disabilities and women staff gained the least protection. Attempts to isolate predictive factors of abusive behaviour proved unsuccessful. For example, abusers and non‐abusers within the sample had experienced sexual abuse themselves at similar rates. The study draws attention to the high proportion of men receiving intellectual disability services who appear not to have intellectual disabilities and the poor level of risk management of men with histories of sexually abusing.