Suchergebnisse

Serendipity, curiosity, and lived experience shaped my career as a social demographer and my interests in social policy. I transitioned from the humanities to sociology and demography as a graduate student the University of Texas at Austin, where I discovered my affinity for quantitative research. My interest in Latin American demography gave way to domestic concerns as new opportunities arose at each of the three institutions where I have had the privilege to work—the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the University of Chicago, and Princeton University. That all three institutions hosted vibrant demography and policy programs facilitated my research about the Hispanic population, family structure, urban poverty, college access, and myriad aspects of socioeconomic inequality and immigrant integration. Superb colleagues and talented graduate student collaborators deserve major credit for my career accomplishments. I attribute numerous opportunities to serve on philanthropic and corporate boards to the strength of weak ties. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Sociology, Volume 50 is July 2024. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

We use administrative data about new legal permanent residents to show how family unification chain migration changed both the age and regional origin of US immigrants. Between 1981 and 1995, every 100 initiating immigrants from Asia sponsored between 220 and 255 relatives, but from 1996 through 2000, each 100 initiating immigrants from Asia sponsored nearly 400 relatives, with one-in-four ages 50 and above. The family migration multiplier for Latin Americans was boosted by the legalization program: from 1996 to 2000, each of the 100 initiating migrants from Latin America sponsored between 420 and 531 family members, of which 18–21 percent were ages 50 and over.

Building on the premise that closing achievement gaps is an economic imperative both to regain international educational supremacy and to maintain global economic competitiveness, I ask whether it is possible to rewrite the social contract so that education is a fundamental right—a statutory guarantee—that is both uniform across states and federally enforceable. I argue that the federal government was complicit in aggravating educational inequality by not guaranteeing free, public education as a basic right during propitious political moments; by enabling the creation of a segregated public higher education system; by relegating the Department of Education and its predecessors to a secondary status in the federal administration, thereby compromising its enforcement capability; and by proliferating incremental reforms while ignoring the unequal institutional arrangements that undermine equal opportunity to learn. History shows that a strong federal role can potentially strengthen the educational social contract.

One thing I know is that race-neutral alternatives to affirmative action have not diversified college campuses.

Explores how the ethno-racial landscapes of youth in the UK & the US have been affected by migration & describes the current social & economic conditions of immigrant & minority youth. Limitations related to the availability of comparable data are pointed out. Differences in the timing & volume of migration are examined, along with the impact of the evolution of source countries & settlement systems in the US & the UK. Hispanics recently surpassed Blacks as the largest minority group in the US while Asians are the largest minority group in the UK. The increasing diversification of populations in both countries is emphasized; however, the US minority population is three to five times greater than that of the UK. An exploration of socioeconomic differentiation indicates that the life chances & opportunities for minority & immigrant youth in both countries are much gloomier than those of their White counterparts. Special attention is given to the plight of Caribbean Blacks who have fared better in the US than in the UK. Tables, Figures, References. J. Lindroth

Data from the Current Population Surveys of 1975, 1980, & 1985 & the 1980 population census are used to investigate why the economic status of Puerto Ricans has declined more than that of Mexicans & Cubans. Analysis supports the hypothesis that structural factors, ie, rapidly falling employment opportunities in jobs where Puerto Ricans traditionally have worked & the concentration of Puerto Ricans in areas experiencing severe economic dislocation, are largely responsible for their disproportionate impoverishment. Results based on the Current Population Surveys show that Puerto Ricans are distinct from Mexicans & Cubans in that their labor market instability & complete withdrawal began earlier -- in the mid- as compared to the late 1970s -- & was more extreme. Furthermore, the analysis of census data shows that the constraints on Puerto Ricans resulting from ethnic labor market divisions & high unemployment rates are stronger than those on Mexicans or Cubans, lending support to structural interpretations of the Puerto Ricans' economic distress. 3 Tables. HA

The article uses data from the current population surveys of 1975, 1980 and 1985, and the 1980 census of population in the USA, to investigate why the economic status of Puerto Ricans in this country has declined more than that of Mexicans and Cubans. The analysis of the census data shows that the constraints on Puerto Ricans resulting from ethnic labour market divisions and high unemployment rates are stronger than those on Mexicans and Cubans

This article uses data from the Current Population Surveys of 1975, 1980, and 1985 and the 1980 census of population to investigate why the economic status of Puerto Ricans has declined more than that of Mexicans and Cubans. The working hypothesis—that structural factors, namely, rapidly falling employment opportunities in jobs where Puerto Ricans traditionally have worked and the concentration of Puerto Ricans in areas experiencing severe economic dislocation, are largely responsible for their disproportionate impoverishment—finds considerable support. Results based on the Current Population Surveys show that Puerto Ricans are distinct from Mexicans and Cubans in that their labor market instability and complete withdrawal began earlier—in the mid-compared to the late 1970s—and was more extreme. Furthermore, the analysis of census data shows that the constraints on Puerto Ricans resulting from ethnic labor market divisions and high unemployment rates are stronger than those on Mexicans or Cubans, lending support to structural interpretations of the Puerto Ricans' economic distress.