Suchergebnisse

Das Bundesfinanzministerium möchte ein Bundesfinanzkriminalamt einrichten. Eine sinnvolle Initiative angesichts Deutschlands Ruf als Geldwäscheparadies. Allerdings ist der Vorschlag so voraussetzungsreich, dass ein Erfolg zweifelhaft bleibt. …
"Bundesfinanzkriminalamt ante portasGeht es den Geldwäschern nun an den Kragen?" weiterlesen
Der Beitrag Bundesfinanzkriminalamt ante portas<br><b>Geht es den Geldwäschern nun an den Kragen?</b> erschien zuerst auf Wirtschaftliche Freiheit.

Die Ukraine hat, wie es scheint, die erwartete militärische Gegenoffensive begonnen, mit der sie die russischen Angreifer aus ihrem Territorium zurückdrängen will. Auch wenn der Erfolg der Gegenschläge derzeit noch unsicher ist, gilt es doch, sich bereits jetzt mit den möglichen Ergebnissen zu beschäftigen, die die Offensive zeitigen könnte. Gelänge es den Ukrainern, die Invasoren …
"UkraineBraucht das Land einen "neuen Marshallplan"?" weiterlesen
Der Beitrag Ukraine<b>Braucht das Land einen "neuen Marshallplan"?</b> erschien zuerst auf Wirtschaftliche Freiheit.

Abstract The economic tradition of ordoliberalism , understood as the theoretical and policy ideas of the Freiburg School, emerged in 1930s and 1940s Germany. In the years thereafter, it was quickly superseded by Keynesianism and other theories imported from the English-speaking world. The crisis in Keynesian economics in the mid-1970s led to what has been described as a "renaissance of ordoliberal reasoning" (Gebhard Kirchgässner) during the late 1970s and the 1980s. The present paper describes this development in detail and shows how it affected the academic discourse and, more indirectly, policymaking. In academic economics, ordoliberal concepts were used to inform debates about pressing issues of the day such as unemployment, social security reform, competition policy, the provision of public goods, and European integration. There was, however, no consensus on the methodological question of whether ordoliberalism could be fully integrated into international research programs such as the new institutional economics or constitutional economics. The paper argues that the renaissance of ordoliberalism failed to have a lasting impact on German academic economics and discusses possible implications of this finding for the future of the ordoliberal research agenda.

Abstract In the aftermath of the Eurozone crisis, a battle of ideas emerged over whether ordoliberalism is part of the cause or the solution of economic problems in Europe. While German ordoliberals argued that their policy proposals were largely ignored before, during and after the crisis, critics saw too much ordoliberal influence, especially in form of austerity policies. We argue that neither view is entirely correct. Instead, we observe that the battle of ideas is largely independent of the countries' actual responses to the Eurozone crisis: pragmatic self-interest on behalf of governments rather than their ideological convictions played a crucial role in political reactions. We explain this dynamic game-theoretically and highlight a number of reasons for the decoupling of the political-pragmatic debate from the ideological-academic discourse. In addition, we argue that ordoliberals themselves contributed to the ideological misuse of their own program: the ordoliberal Freiburg School ceased to be an active research program and instead grew to resemble a tradition which all too often disregarded the international academic discourse, in particular in macroeconomics. As a result, ordoliberal thinking was abused by its proponents and critics alike to emphasize their preconceived Weltanschauung (worldview). We end our paper with some thoughts on how a contemporary ordoliberalism can be constructively used to react to some of the challenges of the ongoing Eurozone crisis.

This contribution examines the role of capitalism in anti-American terrorism. Using data for 149 countries between 1970 and 2007, this contribution, contrary to expectations from capitalist peace theory, does not find that Anti-American terrorism increases with external economic liberalization or decreases with higher levels of economic openness. However, consistent with economic norms theory, higher levels of market-capitalism are associated with less anti-American terrorism, whereas the process of marketization fuels it. This suggests that interest groups that have benefitted from the pre-market order deliberately target the USA, where anti-American terrorism serves the purpose of limiting the perceived marketization and Americanization of their communities.

This chapter explores the complex interaction between migration and terrorism. It proposes a 'terrorism-migration cycle' to investigate systematically this interaction at every stage of the migration process. Importantly, no stage of the migration process is independent of what happened on the previous stage, affecting how terrorism and migration interact. It is shown that terrorism may be a trigger of migration in the origin country, that only particular selections of migrants choose to leave a country, and that these migrants then sort into different destinations. The role of migration governance as a means to avoid the influx of potential terrorists is explored as well as the responses of destination-country populations and governments to the threat of imported terrorism. As yet other challenges, homegrown terrorism within immigrant communities and political violence directed against immigrants are discussed. Finally, it is argued that there are feedback effects of diasporas on the origin countries of immigrant communities.

Antrittsvorlesung von Prof. Dr. Tim Krieger, Wilfried-Guth-Stiftungsprofessur für Ordnungs- und Wettbewerbspolitik, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, 16. Mai 2013

In a median-voter framework with pensions and immigration we show that only few unskilled immigrants are allowed into the country because the unskilled native median voter is concerned with negative effects on his or her wage, but not with the positive effects to other groups in society. When return migration is allowed for, the median voter is more willing to accept immigration because he or she can shift some of the burden to future generations. Adapted from the source document.

In der öffentlichen und politischen Debatte wird Zuwanderung als eine Möglichkeit diskutiert, das Problem der Alterung von Gesellschaften abzumildern. Gleichzeitig lassen sich zum Teil sehr starke Widerstände gegen Zuwanderung feststellen. In den letzten Jahren hat sich auch dieWissenschaft verstärkt der Frage angenommen, wie Migration und Rentensysteme zusammenwirken und welche politischen Implikationen dies hat. In diesem Aufsatz wird diese Diskussion aufgearbeitet und bewertet. Dabei stehen der grundsätzliche Wirkungszusammenhang zwischen beiden Bereichen, politökonomische Erwägungen und die Auswirkungen auf die Europäische Integration im Mittelpunkt.