Suchergebnisse

AbstractBetween its unification and WWI, Italy's changing export composition echoed its economic transformation. In this paper, I decompose Italian export growth in its margins and then analyze the determinants of Italian exports and product market entry (and exit). To do so, I use two different databases (aggregate and product-level bilateral trade data) and methodologies (gravity and logit models). Besides confirming some well-known empirical and historical facts for the Italian case (gravity variables hold; trade follows a Heckscher–Olhin pattern), the regression results offer a new perspective on two distinctive features of its history: trade policy and emigration. These two factors are positively associated with Italian exports and product market entry. These findings also have additional implications for the role of emigration on the course of the Italian economy: accounting for the trade channel, its overall effect may be larger than previously thought.

Después de un largo debate sobre los aranceles a la importación de vino, el 17 de diciembre de 1905 el Parlamento italiano no ratificó el acuerdo comercial entre España e Italia. Esta decisión, un episodio inusual para un país con un nivel relativamente bajo de protección, dejó a España y a Italia sin un acuerdo comercial bilateral durante toda una década. En la literatura, cuestiones políticas más amplias e intereses locales se indican alternativamente como los principales impulsores del rechazo. Utilizando una base de datos construida manualmente que recopila variables económicas y políticas, incluidas las características personales de los parlamentarios, y basándose en un modelo probit, este documento proporciona un análisis cuantitativo del voto. Los resultados muestran que los intereses locales desempeñaron un papel en la determinación del resultado de la votación del tratado comercial. Además, los intereses de la circunscripción también fueron importantes para los «cambiadores de voto», es decir, aquellos parlamentarios que apoyaron la postura general de la política gubernamental en la primera ronda, pero se opusieron al acuerdo comercial español-italiano en la segunda. ; After a long debate on wine import tariffs, the Italian Parliament failed to ratify the Spanish- Italian trade agreement on December 17th, 1905. This decision - an unusual episode for a country with relatively low level of protection - left Spain and Italy without a bilateral trade treaty for an entire decade. In the literature, broader political issues and local interests are alternatively indicated as the main drivers of the rejection. Based on a manually assembled database which collects economic and political variables, including MPs personal features, and using a probit model, this paper provides a quantitative analysis of the vote. Results show that constituency interests had a role in determining the result of the vote on the trade treaty. Moreover, constituency interests were also important for the 'vote switchers', i.e. those MPs that supported the overall government policy stance in the first round, but opposed the Spanish-Italian trade agreement in the second.

After a long debate on wine import tariffs, the Italian Parliament failed to ratify the Spanish- Italian trade agreement on December 17th, 1905. This decision - an unusual episode for a country with relatively low level of protection - left Spain and Italy without a bilateral trade treaty for an entire decade. In the literature, broader political issues and local interests are alternatively indicated as the main drivers of the rejection. Based on a manually assembled database which collects economic and political variables, including MPs personal features, and using a probit model, this paper provides a quantitative analysis of the vote. Results show that constituency interests had a role in determining the result of the vote on the trade treaty. Moreover, constituency interests were also important for the 'vote switchers', i.e. those MPs that supported the overall government policy stance in the first round, but opposed the Spanish-Italian trade agreement in the second. ; Después de un largo debate sobre los aranceles a la importación de vino, el 17 de diciembre de 1905 el Parlamento italiano no ratificó el acuerdo comercial entre España e Italia. Esta decisión, un episodio inusual para un país con un nivel relativamente bajo de protección, dejó a España y a Italia sin un acuerdo comercial bilateral durante toda una década. En la literatura, cuestiones políticas más amplias e intereses locales se indican alternativamente como los principales impulsores del rechazo. Utilizando una base de datos construida manualmente que recopila variables económicas y políticas, incluidas las características personales de los parlamentarios, y basándose en un modelo probit, este documento proporciona un análisis cuantitativo del voto. Los resultados muestran que los intereses locales desempeñaron un papel en la determinación del resultado de la votación del tratado comercial. Además, los intereses de la circunscripción también fueron importantes para los «cambiadores de voto», es decir, aquellos parlamentarios que apoyaron la postura general de la política gubernamental en la primera ronda, pero se opusieron al acuerdo comercial español-italiano en la segunda.

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; To understand how international agreements – being these free trade agreements, currency unions or treaties of other characteristics – shape the course of trade, how trade per se evolves and expands over time, and how these agreements are formed, accepted or rejected are therefore fundamental questions to be asked. ; I wish to acknowledge funding from the People Programme (Marie-Curie Actions) of the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme FP7/2007-2013 under REA grant agreement no. 608129 ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Historia Económica ; Presidente: Giovanni Federico; Secretario: Brian A'Hearn; Vocal: Michael Huberman

Artículo de revista ; This article describes the main characteristics of the trade agreement reached between the European Union (EU) and the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) in 2019 and presents estimates of its possible impact on trade and GDP in the two areas." "It is an ambitious agreement involving the full liberalisation of almost all of the goods trade between the two blocs, facilitating the provision of services and the reduction of non-tariff barriers, and envisaging reciprocal liberalisation of public procurement. Similarly, it includes provisions on the protection of the environment and workers' rights." "The agreement's estimated effects on trade and economic activity will be significant for MERCOSUR. The impact for the EU will be more modest, yet always positive, since trade with MERCOSUR is less significant for EU members. Spain is among the EU member countries whose economies will benefit most from the agreement.

AbstractBetween the 1940s and 1970s, Spain used a variety of economic policies that hindered international trade. Because the mix of tariffs, quotas, administrative barriers, and exchange rate regimes varied greatly over time, the quantification of the effect of the various trade policies on international trade in this period is particularly elusive. In this paper, we use historical bilateral trade flows and a structural gravity model to quantify the evolution of Spain's border thickness, a summary measure of its barriers to international trade. We find that Spain's borders in the period 1948–75 were thicker than those of any other country in Western Europe, even after the liberalization of trade that started in 1959. These comparatively higher impediments to international trade implied substantial negative effects on consumer welfare. We estimate that accumulated welfare costs over the period 1948–75 exceed 20 per cent of a year's total consumption.