Suchergebnisse

The article is dedicated to the interaction between the German state and civil society (CS). Germany is known as a developed democratic state with a strong CS in which non-governmental organizations play an active role. They also help the German government to implement its foreign policy vision and maintain its image abroad. The article addresses the question whether German NGOs are equal partners of the state and to what extent they are independent in reality. The author analyses the legal status and financing features of German NGOs, examines the concepts of interaction between the state and CSOs and highlights their underlying principles. The study makes a clear distinction between the academic approach and the state/government approach. For this purpose, the author examines theoretical papers by German academics and analyses conducted by the Bundestag, especially the "Ethics Commissions" of 2002, and compares the German approach to NGOs with other international practices. The article reveals the main points of interaction between the state and CSOs during the chancellorship of G. Schroeder and A. Merkel. The red-green coalition model is analyzed in more detail, as it has become the basis of the modern "social contract". The author concludes that there is no civil society in the classical scientific sense in the FRG. The German state not only actively supports its NGOs financially, but also defines the rules of engagement by clearly identifying organizations that seek political influence.

The article examines the phenomenon of the political longevity of German Chancellor Angela Merkel. The subject of the study is the second period of her chancellorship (2013–2021), as few German leaders have managed to stay in office longer than two terms. The author analyses in detail what objective factors and personal qualities helped Merkel to win the 2013 and 2017 elections, overcome declining personal popularity and objective voter fatigue, and get through all crises, including the migration crisis and COVID-19. The article examines how the tactics and strategy of the first female chancellor have transformed in response to changing political conditions. It explores the tools with which Merkel built her image as nonpartisan leader of the nation, and how she became a hostage to the image she created in 2015. The decision to accept refugees was a turning point in Merkel's career; thus, the author pays particular attention to the ways in which she helped maintain her chancellorship. The paper uses the theory of how women's leadership differs from men's. The conclusion is drawn that Merkel developed her own special personal method of securing power and maintaining the image she needs. The main secret of her success is not the use of force but quick learning and adaptation, based on her instinct for political survival.

Analyzed in the article is German political party system after the 2013 Bundestag elections. The author studies results of the 2015 elections to the European Parliament and of2014-2015 elections to German federal legislative bodies. European elections are known to be the voters' second priority; but what role do they play for German citizens? The author reveals the voters' motives for taking part in elections and making corresponding decisions, which allows to describe the key patterns and trends of development of elections to the European Parliament. Special attention is paid to the role of smaller parties and assessment of FDP's possible retirement from the German federal political stage. Success of the new right-wing populist party «Alternative for Germany», which succeeded in getting seats not only in the European Parliament, but also in all legislative bodies in German lands where elections took place, makes one consider its prospects and consequences of its emergence for the German political party system. Since its best results were achieved in the East of the country, the article offers thorough analysis of the voters' behavior in so-called new lands. Elections in Hamburg and Bremen have always had special features. People in these lands are more eager to support social democrats, which was proved by the 2015 elections. Could the «choice of the big city» be considered to follow its own logic, and does the CDU have a chance to break this tradition? Attempting to answer with this question, the author turns to the results of a sociological study of the Adenauer Fund, which support the statement that it is the candidate's personality and not the party itself that plays decisive role in the party's victory. In conclusion, the author gives her own interpretation of features of the modern German political party system and a forecast of its future development.

The Federal Republic of Germany plays not only a leading role in the EU, but is also a global player with interests around the world. At the same time, the FRG has succeeded in establishing itself as an «honest broker» and mediator in international conflicts. Its image as a democratic state under the rule of law with a developed social system and a stable economic development model is attractive to many countries, including «developing» ones, which aspire to cooperate with Germany and are guided by its experience and recommendations. The German Development Policy is an important instrument of soft power, which is used not only for humanitarian purposes, but also to meet specific economic and political objectives. Thanks to its effective development policy, Germany manages to maintain contacts with representatives of various political elites, even if relations with the official government deteriorate. Non-governmental organizations play a major role in promoting German interests. Moreover, an outside observer might get the impression that it is these organizations that largely determine the development policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. In order to understand how this foreign policy mechanism functions, what its strengths are, and what role the state and civil society actors (NGOs, party-political foundations, charities, etc.) play in development policy, it is necessary to analyze the structure, goals and principles of German development policy. This article is devoted to this question.

The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a "grand coalition" and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a "crisis manager". In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main "teacher" was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.