Suchergebnisse

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine the construction of Sweden as a racialised spatial imaginary in the emerging transnational networks of far-right media production. Departing from President Donald Trump's widely reported remarks, in 2017, as to "what happened last night in Sweden", it examines the racializing discourses through which Sweden is constructed as a dark future to be averted; a failed social experiment in immigration and multiculturalism symbolised by the "no-go zones" held to be dotted, yet denied, in its major cities. While the symbolic production of "problem areas" is a familiar dimension of the politics of immigration, the paper explores why Sweden-as-nation is so insistently and intimately associated with its putative no-go zones in what are termed the "revenge fantasies" of the far-right. Further, it argues that these modes of representation cannot be understood without examining the value of Sweden as a news commodity in the expansive far-right media environment.


Design/methodology/approach
The analysis offers the idea of "taboo news" to conceptualise putatively "alternative" news about Sweden which is confirmed through its denial in the mainstream.


Findings
It argues that examining the increasing importance of "taboo news" as a commodity form must be integrated into a reading of how these racializing narratives are produced and circulated.


Originality/value
In so doing, it examines the shaping of this racialised imaginary as a digital assemblage taking shape as a commodity in a newly emerging and under-researched field of communicative and ideological action.

Abstract
This article proposes points of departure for researching the circulation and assemblage of racist ideas and racializing discourses in the trans-media space of interactive, hybrid digital media. It contends that racist mobilizations are increasingly invested in organized and opportunistic communicative actions that depend on the integration of interactive digital media to a wider media ecology and European political environment. Further, if social media can be understood as a constant 'invitation to discourse', then they also provide an invitation to discourse on the nature and scope of racism in a putatively 'post-racial' era. In contending that the affordances and dynamics of social media networks are politically generative in relation to the politics of racism, it proposes working with malleable resources in the sociology of racism to develop approaches that are not limited to the established focus on extremist sites, but that can account both for the circuitries of digital media exchange and the particularities of regional racial formations.

This article examines the intensely mediated debate on the relationship between ideological affinity and political implication that followed the documenting of the 'citational ecology' of Breivik's 2083 compendium. Focusing on the recurring trope of war in counter-jihad blog posts and mainstream media comment, it argues that the invocation of 'war' is important beyond limiting debates on incitement and 'moral responsibility'. Following Butler (2009), it examines this 'frame of war' and its poetics as the condition of counter-jihad networks and as the licence for mainstream polemics on the 'failed experiment' of multiculturalism.

Recited truths: the contours of multicultural crisis -- Let's talk about your culture: post-race, post-racism -- Free like me: the polyphony of liberal post-racialism -- Mediating the crisis: circuits of belief -- Good and bad diversity: the shape of neoliberal racisms -- On one more condition: the politics of integration today.

In this article, we examine publicness during the pandemic, with a particular focus on the conditions it creates or constricts for engagement, solidarity and collective action. We interrogate the intensive publicness of the crisis to reflect on its assumed and established equation with progressive political possibility – transparency, accountability and democratic procedure. Theoretically, we cut into the contemporary ambiguity of publicness by putting it into conceptual dialogue with the idea of commoning, a notion that speaks to the resources and political consequences of coming together, and publicness not as coexistence and speech acts but as a domain of struggle. By considering the intersection of publicness and commoning, we aim to provide one way of thinking about how and when public revelation can be oriented towards material and political change. We propose three lines of examination: publicness without commoning; publicness with contingent commoning; and commoning without publicness.