Suchergebnisse

The problem with voting in America -- Measuring accessible elections -- Why studying voting laws in not enough -- Accessible elections and voter turnout in the American states -- Accessible elections to help poor people -- Voting rights, election administration and turnout for racial minorities -- Accessible elections and campaign mobilization -- Conclusion: how the states can help Americans vote.

Are white Americans living among nonwhites more likely to support ending affirmative action than those living in more homogeneous white communities? Previous research on the contextual determinants of white racial attitudes has explored the "racial threat" hypothesis (that white racism increases with the competition posed by a greater proportion of African Americans in a community) & the extent to which these attitudes are driven mainly by cultural & socioeconomic contexts. We test these hypotheses by analyzing votes for CA's Proposition 209 in 1996, which aimed to end affirmative action in the state. Our census-tract-level analysis suggests that white support for Proposition 209 was higher in tracts with larger Latino, African American, or Asian American populations, even after controlling for other factors. Thus, our results support the racial threat hypothesis. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 62 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines their use by Democratic and Republican Party organizations to increase turnout for their candidates, split the opposing party's base of support, and promote their platform and ideology, and effect of party affiliation on voting behavior; based on county level voting patterns in the 1998 primary and general elections. Implications for direct democracy in California.

This research examines whether states with higher female representation in the legislature will be innovators in women's health policy. The issue of health policy was chosen due to increasing state legislative activity in health care, especially in response to citizen dissatisfaction with HMOs & PPOs. We use nine health policies to create an index of women's health mandates for the 50 states & ordinary least squares regression to test a number of explanations for policy adoptions. Previous research suggests women state legislators play an important role in placing policy issues of concern to women on the political agenda. Contrary to the literature & our expectations, female representation & leadership in state legislatures, the presence of a women's caucus, women chairs of health care committees, & the pace at which women have been elected to state legislatures over the past four decades were not related to policy adoptions. Similarly, the growth & size of the managed care industry did not explain the pattern of policy adoptions. What did seem to matter was the size of the medical establishment & Democratic party control. While women's interest groups may be critical in increasing awareness of the issues, findings of the empirical study suggest women's health policy is widely supported by both men & women state lawmakers. When the policies were desegregated by type, the % of women in leadership positions was associated with the adoption of specific women's health policies with a universal appeal, eg, reconstructive breast surgery & extended maternity stays. 4 Tables, 65 References. Adapted from the source document.