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The increased educational participation has resulted in more social mobility and less social inequality in modern societies. So, educational achievement may have become a new social cleavage in society instead of social origin. Until now, it is unclear whether this actually has been the case, because educational expansion has resulted in credential inflation and probably also to a weakening of the impact of educational qualifications on occupational success. What consequence of educational expansion is dominant in the Netherlands, is unknown. This article focuses on the following questions: What development has occurred in (1) the intergenerational transmission of status positions from parents to their children, (2) the labour market value of credentials in terms of occupational success and (3) education as social cleavage instead of social origin? On the basis of data from the Family Survey Dutch Population 1992-2009, we have shown that the intergenerational transmission of status positions from parents to their offspring has decreased over time, but primarily among men. In addition, credential inflation has taken place in the labour market, which has resulted in a diminished effect of level of education on the occupational status achieved by individuals. Meritocratization in the labour market stagnates. The ultimate consequence is that the relative importance of education, compared to social origin, as a social cleavage has not increased in Dutch society.

Recent years have seen a sharp increase in empirical studies on the constrict claim: the hypothesized detrimental effect of ethnic diversity on most if not all aspects of social cohesion. Studies have scrutinized effects of different measures of ethnic heterogeneity in different geographical areas on different forms of social cohesion. The result has been a cacophony of empirical findings. We explicate mechanisms likely to underlie the negative relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and social cohesion: the homophily principle, feelings of anomie, group threat, and social disorganization. Guided by a clear conceptual framework, we structure the empirical results of 90 recent studies and observe three patterns. We find that (a) there is consistent support for the constrict claim for aspects of social cohesion that are spatially bounded to neighborhoods, (b) support for the constrict claim is more common in the United States than in other countries, and (c) ethnic diversity is not related to less interethnic social cohesion. We discuss the implications of these patterns.

Integration and depression. The relationship between social-cultural integration and symptoms of depression among Turkish and Moroccan migrants in the Netherlands.In this study we described differences in the prevalence of depressive symptoms among first and second
generation Turkish and Moroccan migrants and Native Dutch. Furthermore, we scrutinized to what extent differences in socio-cultural integration are related to differences in the prevalence of depressive symptoms. Hypotheses are tested using the NEtherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (NELLS).
Results show that first and second generation Turkish migrants and first generation Moroccan migrants experience more depressive symptoms than Native Dutch. For migrants, maintaining weak and strong ties with native Dutch is related to less symptoms of depression. Ethnic and national identification
protect against depressive symptoms. Living according to Islamic rules is not related to depressive symptoms. We did not observe that bicultural migrants – migrants who have strong ethnic and national identifications and migrants who maintain social relationships with ethnic ingroup
members and with native Dutch – experience more depressive symptoms. Differences in socio-cultural integration hardly explain differences in depressive symptoms among first and second generation Turkish and Moroccan migrants.

In the Netherlands, charitable behavior for international development purposes is subject to important changes. Whereas established development organizations suffer from a declining support base, private development initiatives (PDIs) that execute concrete, small-scale projects within direct personalized aid networks can count on increasing enthusiasm from individual donors of money and time. We investigate to what extent cost-benefit evaluations of volunteers (supply side) and characteristics of PDIs (demand side) affect the time allocation for volunteering in these organizations. The study is based on a survey among 661 volunteers active in Dutch PDIs. PDI volunteers face time and budget restrictions, partly due to their position on the (paid) labor market. Volunteers who are skeptical toward established development organizations increase voluntary time investment in PDIs. Corroborating the proximity hypothesis, volunteers perceiving a smaller distance to beneficiaries, spend more volunteering hours in PDIs. Volunteers also spend more hours volunteering for PDIs with larger budgets and more staff.

AbstractExtended social networks encompass both weak and strong ties to provide social support and resources. Hence, it is important to study what explains variation in these networks. This paper addresses this and examines the size and ethnic homogeneity of extended social networks, and group differences therein, and it aims to explain these differences based on a preference–opportunities approach through a decomposition analysis. We apply state‐of‐the‐art NSUM methods to measure the extended networks for different ethnic‐majority and minoritized groups, also considering migrant generation differences, in the Netherlands. Results show that group differences in network size reflect first‐generation minority citizens having smaller networks and majority citizens having more ethnically homogeneous networks. More positive out‐group attitudes among the Moroccan– and Turkish–Dutch partly explain why these groups have less homogeneous networks than Dutch majority members. Differences in the ethnic composition of neighbourhoods also contribute to explaining the homogeneity gap between Dutch majority and Turkish‐Dutch.

Ethnic affinity voting is the term for when political party candidates with an ethnic minority background receive a larger share of the vote in ethnically dense neighbourhoods. This study is one of the first to provide a detailed test for ethnic affinity voting during a national election in an open-list proportional representation system, with the same ballots in every polling station. It tests the conditions under which ethnic affinity voting is greater, studying the proportion of votes for ethnic minority candidates at neighbourhood level in the Netherlands in 2017, when a minority-interest party entered parliament and the traditional ethnic vote for the social democratic party (PvdA) imploded. This study disentangles party and candidate effects and finds evidence for (general and specific) ethnic affinity voting at candidate level. Even though ethnic minority candidates attract fewer votes, they perform better in neighbourhoods where more minorities live, especially when the group size of co-ethnics is larger. Ethnic affinity effects are relatively strong for candidates affiliated with minority-oriented and left-wing parties, and absent or negative for ethnic candidates of right-wing parties. Moreover, whether male or female ethnic candidates are more likely to attract the ethnic vote also depends on the ethnic background and party affiliation of the candidate.