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Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań dotyczących rywalizacji w wyborach samorządowych na poziomie regionu. Analiza odnosi się do wyników głosowania i wyborów do sejmiku województwa zachodniopomorskiego w sześciu kolejnych elekcjach. Badaniami objęto między innymi frekwencję, zmiany poparcia dla komitetów wyborczych i podział mandatów. Skupiono się na partiach, które albo samodzielnie, albo w koalicjach uzyskiwały mandaty w sejmiku. W badanym okresie najwyższe poparcie wyborcze osiągał do roku 2006 Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej,a w kolejnych wyborach Platforma Obywatelska RP. Województwo charakteryzowało się niższą frekwencją od średniej krajowej. W wyborach większe poparcie niż średnie w kraju uzyskiwały ugrupowania lewicy oraz Platforma Obywatelska RP.

<p>Zbadano opinię na temat zaangażowania kobiet w politykę. Mężczyźni i zwolennicy prawicy częściej niż kobiety i zwolennicy lewicy uznawali mniejsze zaangażowanie kobiet w politykę za naturalne. Lewicowcy częściej zwracali uwagę na nierówności w rozwoju zawodowym kobiet i mężczyzn. Różnice w przekonaniach o większej skuteczności mężczyzn niż kobiet w polityce wiązały się z płcią badanych.</p>

The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission. ; Artykuł dotyczy wybranych aspektów realizacji systemu kwotowego w wyborach do sejmików województw w Polsce. Analizą porównawczą objęte zostały dwie elekcje w 2010 (przed wprowadzeniem systemu kwotowego) i 2014 r. (po wprowadzeniu). Zasadnicze pytania, na które autorzy poszukują odpowiedzi dotyczą liczby kobiet reprezentowanych na listach wyborczych komitetów wyborczych w 2010 r. i 2014 r. oraz liczby mandatów w sejmikach województw zdobytych przez kobiety przed i po wprowadzeniu systemu kwotowego, a także zależności między miejscem na liście a uzyskaniem mandatu przez kobiety. Zwrócono uwagę na strategie kadrowe partii politycznych. Wybory do sejmików województw charakteryzowały się największym stopniem upartyjnienia wśród wszystkich rodzajów wyborów samorządowych. Wprowadzenie systemu kwotowego spowodowało wzrost liczby kobiet na listach wyborczych, ale nie wpłynęło na wzrost liczby mandatów uzyskiwanych przez kobiety. Jedną z przyczyn takiej sytuacji mogły być strategie obsadzania miejsc na listach wyborczych przez największe pod względem uzy-skanego poparcia partie polityczne. Mniejsza, od przyjętej w prawie wyborczym kwoty, reprezentacja kobiet na pierwszych miejscach list wyborczych i nadreprezentacja kobiet na miejscach dalszych, dających mniejsze szanse na zdobycie mandatu. Bazę źródłową wykorzystaną w trakcie badań stanowiły dane udostępniane przez Państwową Komisję Wyborczą.

The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission.

The article concerns the support for the gender quota system in the elections in Poland. The research was conducted on a double sample of adults for a representative national research, by means of quota sampling method (n = 2119). The respondents who believed that there is insufficient representation of women in parliament outnumbered those with the opposite opinion. We have observed a reluctance among the respondents to introduce solutions aimed at strengthening women's representation. The difference in views were determined by political preferences, gender, age, domicile, and education. Women and leftist supporters more frequently believed that there are too few women in parliament and supported quotas, as opposed to men and persons with right-wing views. The differences were observed in the youngest age category, where women more often opted for quotas than men.

The analysis of women's participation in elections has long been an important theme within political studies. Scholars have looked at factors that affect women's participation in politics in general, as well as their decisions to run in parliamentary or regional elections. In 2011, as the second Central and Eastern Europe country (the first being Slovenia), Poland introduced gender quotas into the proportional electoral system. Researchers looking into the consequences of such systemic solutions in various countries have established that the intended goal of increasing the proportion of women in legislative bodies has not always been achieved. In fact, the outcomes have varied widely. Such discrepancies invite further examination. The presented study focuses on regional assembly elections in Poland between 2010 and 2018. The article elaborates on and complements the results of the authors' prior work on the 2010 and 2014 elections. The research looks at how effective women were in winning the available mandates, what were their placements and which parties managed to get most women into the assemblies.

The article presents the research results concerning the attitude of Poles towards the presence of the Church in public life. The research was conducted in 2019 on a national sample size (n = 2110) based on stratified quota sampling method. The majority of the surveyed supported the division of the Church and state, at the same time accepting the presence of Christian values in the activities of state institutions. The surveyed definitely disagreed with the statement that the Church may support particular candidates in elections. The declared political preferences of the respondents proved to be significant, as well as wealth and place of residence. The supporters of the division of Church and state were more frequently respondents with leftist preferences rather than rightist, wealthier rather than poorer, and residing in cities rather than in the country.