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The purpose of the article is to substantiate the hypothetically expressed proposition that Dostoevsky in his work proposed for comprehension and understanding of the problem of man and consciousness such ideas that (and this is the performative potential of his philosophy) received theoretical conceptualization only in the XX-XXI centuries. We are talking primarily about his foreshadowing of philosophical anthropology, hermeneutics and phenomenology. The realization of this goal, framed in the article through the substantiation of the concept of 'mystery' as a category of philosophical anthropology, and the comprehension of Dostoevsky's work in the context of the ideas of modern philosophy, are the novelty of the article. We argue that Dostoevsky supplemented the categorical apparatus of philosophy with the concept of mystery, foreseeing the specifics of the language of description, which became relevant to the specifics of modern philosophical and anthropological discoveries and socio-ontological constructions. The research methods of the designated topic are dictated by the target setting. With the help of the comparative method, we demonstrate the relationship between the provisions of these modern philosophical trends with the provisions expressed in the literary and philosophical form by Dostoevsky. The comparison shows the historical cultivation of anthropological content in the hermeneutic-phenomenological direction of the study of consciousness, which in Dostoevsky's works manifested itself in all the complexity of its own structure, not reduced only to reason and intellect. In addition, we reveal the phenomenon of unhappy consciousness found in 'Notes from the Underground' and make an assumption about intersubjective (pluralistic) idealism, which justifies the uniqueness of a person and the 'non-fusion' of his consciousness, which is not amenable to generalizations of logic and does not fit into the laws of nature. Pluralistic idealism is an original metaphysical concept, which Dostoevsky substantiates with his work and within which he finds the definition of man as a mystery. On the way to the development of 'new horizons', the article supplements the categorical apparatus of phenomenology, when in the categorical series ('intentionality', 'epoché', 'natural attitude', 'phenomenological reduction') a concept appears, expressed in an artistic and figurative form, – 'mystery'.

This paper considers the Kantian philosophical tradition in western language philosophy of the XXth century, describes the ways of its influence and argues the existence of the "Kantian language philosophy tradition" as a continuous stage to be a certain evolutionary line in the history of philosophy. By now one ignores the influence of Kantian philosophy upon "those not pee linguistic turn" and does not esteem I. Kant as a philosopher of language, nor counts his influence in this sphere. The mode of this influence is uncertain and represents various views from synthesis to direct evolution. To discover this issue the author of this paper tries to find a metaphysic core element in language ontology, inherited by the analytic philosophers from I. Kant's writings; conducts a comparative research of the aforementioned authors' papers, extracts derived from I. Kant core metaphysical aspect in language ontology and a textological analysis, historical reconstruction. The researchers ignore historical and ontological links between language philosophy, Kantian and the analytical tradition due to a philological development of academic linguistics in the late XIXth – XXth centuries. Following the Kantian tradition in philosophy theories of the analytic philosophers (particularly W. Qwine and P. Strawson) contain the metaphysical core in language ontology, primarily in its syncretic essence of logical, semantic and utterly linguistic categories (i. e. the scheme of concepts, sense, universals, etc.). Syncretism of logical and linguistic essence in terms is also typical for the Kantian philosophy and characterizes the Kantian philosophy to be a source for the linguistic one, and a fully expressed the "Kantian language philosophy tradition".

This study is devoted to outlining the influence of Platonism on Orthodox theology. Platonism, understood in a broad sense, is traditionally associated with Orthodox theology, but this connection itself remains not described sufficiently, which creates a number of difficulties. The last is represented by a scientific tendency to build historical and philosophical concepts, which do not correspond to facts, but also create such perspectives that lead to further misconceptions. This includes the idea that Platonism is more expressed in Eastern theology, and Aristotelianism in Western (or vice versa), the idea of theological disputes as conflicts of philosophical traditions, etc. The influence of the Platonic tradition was expressed in the works of many famous authors, for example, Origen, Evagrius Ponticus and Pseudo-Dionysius, but this fact still did not receive proper analysis in the scientific community. So, although all these authors adopted some of platonic conceptions - they were condemned by the Orthodox Church, then their concepts were adopted and modernized, and only then they were written in Orthodox theology. Platonism is definitely connected with Orthodox theology, but primarily because of the philosophical language and in lesser degree due to Platonic concepts. In Russian religious thought Platonism is becoming more and more popular thanks to Soloviev's sophiology and German idealism, however, this philosophical and theological conceptions were condemned by Russian orthodox councils, remaining mostly in writings of individual philosophers and researchers. Thus, we believe that reference to "Christian Platonism" in order to explain the whole system of orthodox theology is unjustified. But, on the other hand, philosophical and theological systems (such as, for example, the philosophy of S. N. Bulgakov or Gaius Marius Victorinus) may well have this name.

The article explores one of the major points of contradiction in the interests and roles of Siberian urban actors with regard to so-called 'national-cultural' organizations (natsional'no-kul'turnye organizatsii, NKO, also known as natsional'no-kul'turnye avtonomii, NKA), 'national-cultural' associations, centers, foundations, etc., all of which are ethnic organizations. Specifically, it looks into why and how these organizations have become the centre of intersecting ethnic and migration discourses, what is their role and place in the urban infrastructure being created and used by migrants coming to Siberian cities, and how the relations between the state and national-cultural organizations formed at the regional level. Carried out in the Siberian urban centres of Tomsk and Irkutsk, our 30-year research into these questions (including thorough research methods such as observation, engagement in public events and public and advisory council meetings, interview and survey, analysis of documents and other materials released by national-cultural organizations as well as by the mass media) has enabled us to determine what place national-cultural organizations occupy in the migrant infrastructure of the two cities and to establish what kind of relations there is between these organizations and migrants from countries of the same ethnic origin – paternalistic or the one that allows leaders and activists from these organizations build their own social capital. The study of 2018 and 2019 – in-depth interviews and surveys held in Tomsk and Irkutsk – resulted in a substantial correction of the research results we had obtained in a few years prior to it. It revealed that the role migrants play in the local national-cultural organizations is not that of full members, rather, they act as an object of patronage on the part of the local ethnic elite deeply integrated into the host society (or ethnic activist groups that position themselves as such). In fact, the (social, economic and legal) support of these organizations provided to migrants is insignificant, and only a small number of migrants participate in cultural events organized by the local NKOs. Thus, these NKOs can hardly be seen as an element of the migrant infrastructure or an asset facilitating adaptation of migrants in these cities. It also became clear that migrants' ties with their 'historical homeland'/home countries, which the local national-cultural organizations take advantage of in sustaining their activities as well as the status of their leaders, often result in the issue of 'conflicting loyalties', especially when home countries actively conduct diasporic politics toward this category of their citizens abroad.

The so-called 'national-cultural' (natsional'no-kul'turnye organizatsii, NKO, or natsional'no-kul'turnye avtonomii, NKA), or ethnicity-based organisations, that started to emerge in Russia at the turn of the Soviet and the post-Soviet epochs have become an ordinary attribute of the country's urban space. We were interested in the question of why and how these organizations have found themselves at the intersection of ethnic and migration discourses. For nearly 30 years we have been studying the case of Tomsk and Irkutsk national-cultural organisations (based on observations, participation in the events and activities organised by NKO/NKA and in the meetings of specialised advisory boards, interviews and surveys, materials released by national-cultural organisations and municipal authorities, mass media reports, etc.). This allows us to understand what role migrants themselves had to play: whether they were subjected to paternalistic care or contributed to accumulation of social capital by leaders and activists of national-cultural organisations, or both. Local authorities have come to see such organisations as a convenient tool to manage 'diasporic' communities, that is, organised ethnic groups, whose membership is associated with one's ethnic origin or ethnicity and which are entitled to act independently as agents of social relations. NKO/NKA leaders are considered to be 'diasporic bosses' exercising the right to control and regulate their 'diaspora compatriots'. That these organisations serve to meet specific ethnic groups' cultural needs is not their single and possibly not even their main function. Their legal status (resulting from a special law on organisations of this type and a law on public organisations more generally) allows them to be in close contact with the authorities, and, in fact, to have a symbiotic relationship with them. As a result, these organisations have come to be informally tasked with assisting adaptation of migrants in Russian cities. Enthusiasts developing national/ethnic culture ('ethno-entrepreneurs') enjoy a certain degree of power given by the state and receive limited but important material and symbolic resources to present their activities as a consolidated ethnic group ('diaspora') in urban space. Leaders of ethnic organisations can also benefit from their status in both symbolic and material terms, serving as intermediaries between the 'diaspora' they construct and the authorities, and maintaining a relationship with their historical homeland.

The article investigates the influence of moral principles on historically developing social relations. The appeal to this problem is based on a conceptual approach to the origin of human morality, which arises in the course of sociogenesis as a set of behavioral principles that provide the intraspecific cultural (non-genetic) solidarity necessary for human societies. It is noted that the moral consciousness of individuals, which regulates interpersonal relationships, is a necessary but insufficient means for transmitting moral principles. Morality is expressed in the relationship between society and an individual. Society solves the problem of reproduction of moral regulators, it brings them into the nature of social relations by necessity. In this regard, attention is drawn to the role of elite groups in solving the aforementioned problem, in particular, it points out the peculiarities of the formation of an elite layer in Russian history. The elite is the bearer of moral images of social behavior, which expresses the attitude to public goals, interests, historical meanings of social life. The task of the elite is the implementation of these principles in the nature of social relations. The egoism of individuals and social groups can impede the solution of such a problem. Overcoming difficulties of this kind can be achieved by an awareness of history, which provides the basis for public consensus. The article focuses on the ethos of the "spirit of capitalism", which enters into the social environment through the principles of the organization of economic activity. The paper shows the relevance of the problem of interaction of economic ethics and moral foundations of society as a systemic whole.

In this paper, the author attempts to apply the concept of 'soft power' developed by J. Nye, which has been established in the field of international relations and political science, to the historical domain, and specifically to the analysis of basic trends in the development of the Russian Empire and the USSR. The peculiarities of the balance of 'hard' and 'soft' power tools are identified with regards to the totalitarian (authoritarian) and democratic regimes. The concept of 'smart power' is placed into the context of historical research. The author points out the connection between the mechanisms of 'soft power' and the development of civil society. Russia and the USSR are presented as continental empires of the colonial type, which possessed internal colonies and dependent territories. Against the background of the general patterns of development of continental empires, which include territorial expansion, the specifics of the USSR are shown. It is determined that expanding the resource base under the dominance of the vector of extensive development, ensuring 'security' of the imperial 'heartland' at the expense of peripheral territories, and maintaining the geopolitical status have been the key drivers of development of continental empires. In relation to the USSR, the specific function of the metropolis, or capital city of the empire, is underlined. The author pays particular attention to the development of the eastern territories, and Siberia as an internal colony, that was based on the principle of 'a region for the country' while ignoring its own interests and internal needs. This has formed a stable matrix of suboptimal centre-periphery relations in the country. It is noted that the empire preserved itself as a single state based on the synergy of 'hard' and 'soft' power, projected both into the intra-imperial space and outside. The gradual degradation of the 'smart power' tools used by the Soviet regime is shown. It is concluded that the collapse of the USSR meant an imbalance and loss of efficiency in the use of factors and tools of 'hard' and 'soft' power, and now Russia is still experiencing a post-imperial syndrome. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the loss of satellite countries made it necessary to shift the emphasis to internal stabilization. However, the influence of two key arguments: nuclear weapons and huge resources and territory, ensured the preservation of the previous ambitions.

The article is timed to the 60th anniversary of the XXII CPSU Congress, which has become an important milestone in the history of the late Soviet period. The 3rd programme of the CPSU was adopted on the Congress, which proclaimed that "the current generation of Soviet people will live under communism." The strategy for achieving this goal was justified as well. This article is devoted to the analysis of its economic aspects. The paper has four sections. In the first, the authors substantiate the need to identify the doctrinal continuity of the economic policy of late Stalinism and the time of Khrushchev's "Thaw". In the second section of the article, the authors note that traditional methodological approaches have many limitations in studies of this kind. Their non-critical use makes it difficult to find a response to the question of why the Khrushchev leadership failed to realise its ambitious plans. The authors see the solution of this issue in a comprehensive comparative analysis of the promotional ideologemes and practical policy. The main section outlines the results of the study. They are based on a detailed comparison of the main directions of creating a "material and technical basis" of communism contained in the Stalinist projects of the 3rd party programme and in Khrushchev's version. As underlined, they are determined by a variety of dominant political myths and ideologemes in the public consciousness. At the same time, the practical policy was guided by completely different ideas and interests. In conclusion, it is stipulated that, with all the nuances, the economic "visions" that were reflected in the 3rd party programme were designed in accordance with patterns of the "Communist projections", formulated in Stalin's epoch. They promised to build a society of universal benefits in the foreseeable future. However, in practice, the development of the economy, as before, was primarily focused on the expansion of military-industrial might. All other needs could be satisfied only in accordance with the "residual principle." This turned into a gap between the declarations of "steady increase of material well-being" of the population and reality. As a result, the strategy of the "communist construction" was discredited, and the authority of those in power was undermined.