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This paper encourages the development of a theoretical framework for the study of the reintegration of ex-combatants after war. It takes the first steps towards this by proposing a new definition of reintegration, where the processes ex-combatants experience, rather than the programmatic support offered by international and national agencies, take centre stage. The article links the study of reintegration to two broader disciplines; political economy and sociology, and in particular to the two disciplines' account of power and group belonging. It argues that a political economy approach is particularly useful for making sense of the context in which reintegration processes unfold. The article also suggests some relevant research questions and highlights methodological concerns related to research on reintegration.

This paper encourages the development of a theoretical framework for the study of the reintegration of ex-combatants after war. It takes the first steps towards this by proposing a new definition of reintegration, where the processes ex-combatants experience, rather than the programmatic support offered by international and national agencies, take centre stage. The article links the study of reintegration to two broader disciplines; political economy and sociology, and in particular to the two disciplines' account of power and group belonging. It argues that a political economy approach is particularly useful for making sense of the context in which reintegration processes unfold. The article also suggests some relevant research questions and highlights methodological concerns related to research on reintegration.

- ; Selective literature review and preliminary agenda for research: Recent insights on war economies have important implications for disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR). This paper identifies an underlying dilemma of DDR: on the one hand, in order to convince warring factions to commit to peace, DDR strategies will have to offer significant incentives that in turn may entrench the factions' economic and political standing. On the other hand, offering the armed factions important peacetime roles may jeopardise post-war economic reconstruction, perpetuate cycles of underdevelopment and risk entrenching instability. It is argued in the paper that while more insights are needed on how DDR can be improved, it is equally important to go one step further and identify the positive as well as negative consequences for the economy, the market and the state when attempts at comprehensive disarmament and reintegration of combatants are undertaken. The paper discusses key findings from the literature on political economy of armed conflict and suggests possible directions for new research. ; Work undertaken for this paper was financed by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The report offers a stocktaking of Afghanistan's regional challenges. It finds that domestic instability in Pakistan, strains in Pakistan–Afghanistan relations and insecurities associated with the US–Iran stand-off on Iran's nuclear programme continue to pose the most significant regional risks to the stability of Afghanistan. There are, however, a number of additional challenges: the failure of the USA and its allies to enable a substantial dialogue on Afghanistan with Russia and China, in addition to India and Pakistan's continued rivalry, create a suboptimal regional environment for Afghanistan's stabilisation process. There are also serious regional challenges related to drugs trafficking and water sharing. Finally, the report discusses the situation in two of Afghanistan's (lesser known) neighbours in detail. It finds that Uzbekistan is unstable: regime collapse in this country is one possible scenario – and this would entail grave consequences for Afghanistan, especially the northern regions. Turkmenistan, by contrast, whose long time dictator Saparmurat Niyazov died in December 2006, seems stable in the short to medium term. The report ends by providing a set of policy recommendations for Norwegian policymakers. ; The report was financed by the Norwegian Ministry of Defence and its 'Project support for security and defence policy research 2007' (2006/02836-42/FD II 1/MAO 1613.2). The judgement, analysis and conclusions reached in this report are, however, solely attributable to the authors.

- ; This report offers an in-dept analysis of the role of international election observation missions in during the political upheavals in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. It presents the work of three leading, young academics from Kyrgyzstan. The report forms part of the 'NUPI Network for Election Observation and Exchange'. This is project that is supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The starting point for the assessments presented here is the realisation that international election observer missions played a central part in the events that eventually lead to the toppling of President Askar Akaev's administration in march 2005. Kyrgyzstan is also a case that highlights the immense challenges that face election observation missions in non consolidated democracies of the former Soviet Union. Many of these countries, Kyrgyzstan included, have developed traditions of deep-seated and sophisticated manipulation of election procedures. Given these preconditions, the three articles aim to assess from differing perspectives how election observation was conducted in the country in 2005.

2014 marked important milestones for Afghanistan. It gained a new political leadership by a democratic election, the NATO International Stabilisation Force (ISAF) was withdrawn, and the country took the initiative to a wider and more trusting cooperation with its neighbor Pakistan (RFE/RL 2014). 2015 is a crucial year. We will get an indication of whether Afghanistan can stand on its own and if the (partial) military extraction was wise, and to what extent the new administration is viable. Adapted from the source document.