Suchergebnisse

Global governance of displaced and trapped populations, forced migration and refugees is notprepared for the numbers likely to manifest under a changing climate. G20 has responsibility toprepare, push for reform, and initiate annual reviews to enhance a humanitarian response to aidclimate mobility.International policy and law build on the false assumption that displaced people and refugees canreturn to their place of origin when conditions improve, conflicts subside or homes are rebuilt. Thiscannot hold for many of those affected by climate change. Climate-induced migration is a broadphenomenon that defies existing definitions. Climate-induced disasters may cause sudden flight;desertification, sea-level rise, ocean acidification, and more frequent flooding may erode livelhoodsslowly; conflicts aggravated by environmental change also produce "climate refugees".1 Governancereform is therefore needed to strengthen rights and obligations of peoples and governments incountries of origin, transit, and destination.

Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement stand as milestone diplomatic achievements. However, immense discrepancies between political commitments and governmental action remain. Combined national climate commitments fall far short of the Paris Agreement's 1.5/2°C targets. Similar political ambition gaps persist across various areas of sustainable development. Many therefore argue that actions by nonstate actors, such as businesses and investors, cities and regions, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), are crucial. These voices have resonated across the United Nations (UN) system, leading to growing recognition, promotion, and mobilization of such actions in ever greater numbers. This article investigates optimistic arguments about nonstate engagement, namely: (a) "the more the better"; (b) "everybody wins"; (c) "everyone does their part"; and (d) "more brings more." However, these optimistic arguments may not be matched in practice due to governance risks. The current emphasis on quantifiable impacts may lead to the under‐appreciation of variegated social, economic, and environmental impacts. Claims that everybody stands to benefit may easily be contradicted by outcomes that are not in line with priorities and needs in developing countries. Despite the seeming depoliticization of the role of nonstate actors in implementation, actions may still lead to politically contentious outcomes. Finally, nonstate climate and sustainability actions may not be self‐reinforcing but may heavily depend on supporting mechanisms. The article concludes with governance risk‐reduction strategies that can be combined to maximize nonstate potential in sustainable and climate‐resilient transformations.