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Title Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- PART I: INTRODUCTION -- Chapter 1: The growth of London and its need for government -- 1965 -- LONDON'S GROWTH - A BRIEF HISTORY -- THE CITY OF LONDON AND THE GROWTH OF A METROPOLIS -- A GROWING DEMAND FOR METROPOLITAN GOVERNMENT -- THE LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL -- THE COMING OF 'GREATER' LONDON -- FURTHER STRUGGLE FOR REFORM -- THE FINAL PUSH -- THE BIRTH OF THE LONDON BOROUGHS -- Chapter 2: The new boroughs and their context -- Chapter 3: 1963-65: creating the boroughs -- PART II: HISTORY -- Chapter 4: The thirty-two boroughs: a brief history -- INNER LONDON -- OUTER LONDON -- PART III: CONCLUSIONS -- Chapter 5: Fifty years: an analysis -- IMPACT OF HISTORY AND THE PROCESS OF REFORM -- SETTING UP THE BOROUGHS -- HOUSING -- ROADS -- PLANNING -- EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SERVICES -- THE CHANGING ECONOMY, REGENERATION AND A NEW MODEL OF LONDON GOVERNMENT -- DEMOGRAPHY AND IMMIGRATION -- BOROUGH POLITICS -- THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF THE 1980S -- THE BOROUGHS AND THE INTERREGNUM -- BOROUGH JOINT WORKING AND REPRESENTATION -- FIFTY GLORIOUS YEARS? -- THE STUDY OF CITIES -- Chapter 6: Counterfactuals -- IF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENT SYSTEMS FROM THE 1965 ONES HAD BEEN INTRODUCED -- IF DIFFERENT POLICIES HAD BEEN PURSUED IN KEY SPHERES -- IF DIFFERENT SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE HAD OCCURRED -- Chapter 7: Concluding observations -- APPENDIX 1: Borough population data -- APPENDIX 2: Non-borough London government institutions -- APPENDIX 3: Abbreviations frequently used -- APPENDIX 4: Borough leaders and chief executives -- Index -- A, B, C -- D, E, F -- G, H, I -- J, K, L -- M, N, O -- P, Q, R -- S, T, U -- V, W, X -- Y, Z -- Copyright

Interest in the governance of London has remained high in the years following the election of a London mayor and all the twists and turns of Mayor Livingstone's term of office, including struggles with Whitehall and the boroughs. Written by a leading authority, The Politics of London provides a definitive critique of the politics, administration and government of one of the world's leading cities and recommends major changes to the capital's government to address its longstanding crisis of governability

AbstractLondon's reputation as a 'Labour city' was sustained by the 2021 Greater London Authority election. Sadiq Khan won, as expected, though the Conservatives' Shaun Bailey did better than polls or pundits predicted. But, London has not always been thus. Declines in Conservative voting in elections since the mid‐1990s have made it significantly harder for the party to win. Social and demographic factors have affected Londoners' electoral behaviour, with an electorate which is younger, more likely to live in rented accommodation, more likely to belong to an ethnic minority and more likely to have a degree. As Boris Johnson's government seeks to extend its 2019 electoral success in the 'red wall', there is a risk the 'levelling‐up' agenda will leave London without political leverage, begging the question: how long will it be before London voters learn to send observable messages to the major parties about the fragility of their support?

Within London the 32 London boroughs undertake most local services provision and planning, and play a major role in shaping the capital's evolution. Tony Travers looks at how well they fulfil their roles.

This article describes the centralised nature of the UK, briefly describes the changes now under way in Scotland and Wales and then analyses differences in output per head as between nations and regions. It then considers the scope for devolution, including fiscal devolution within England. The United Kingdom today is one of the most fiscally-centralised of all OECD countries, but there will soon be reform in Scotland and Wales, with significant devolution of tax-raising powers to Edinburgh and Cardiff. In England, there is currently no 'state' or 'regional' tier of government. There have been significant differences in GDP/GVA per head of the nations and regions of the UK for many decades. Efforts to 'rebalance' the GDP/GVA totals shown above have involved public expenditure and investment programmes over several decades. The results of the UK's centralised distribution of resources, if any, on changes in regional and sub-regional performance are little studied. A highly-centralised system of taxation and public expenditure is not, it would appear, a guarantee of territorial economic equalisation. In a potentially radical policy departure, George Osborne has moved further than any minister in recent times towards a form of city-regional devolution within England. In the first instance, any devolved power is likely to be over public expenditure, though in the longer term fiscal devolution may become possible. The move towards a quasi-federal UK is now well under way.

On Tuesday, New Yorkers will vote in primary elections to choose the Democratic and Republican candidates for the city's directly elected mayoralty. Tony Travers writes that while the Democrats have been out of power for two decades, in a city that is generally supportive of them, they have now emerged as front runners to win the vote in November, most likely in the form of Bill De Blasio. He argues that cities in Britain which also now have directly elected mayors, such as London, should watch the contest and its results with interest.

Tony Travers analyses the outcome of the 2009 local and European elections – contrasting the difference between first past the post and proportional representation‐based results – and predicts trouble for Labour, whose support, he argues, has been reduced to its core vote