Suchergebnisse

Introduction : aiding freedom : human rights and U.S. foreign assistance -- Abetting violence : the coercive effect of foreign aid -- Patterns of foreign aid and state violence -- Indonesia : arming and oppressing -- El Salvador : buying guns and butter -- South Korea : constraining coercion -- Aiding and abetting in the 21st century -- Conclusion : can "do no harm" be done?

What factors contributed to the centralization of colonial rule over time? I argue that internal and external threats to the control of territories and populations can lead to the adoption of centralized state institutions, but where institutions already exist centralization may take the form of incremental institutional adaptation rather than wholesale shifts to direct rule. British perceptions of the threat posed by China-driven mobilization amongst overseas Chinese (华侨, huaqiao) evolved over the course of five decades from an external one based on developments in mainland China to an internal threat to British colonial holdings. In response, British colonial education policy shifted from indirect administration of Chinese Schools to more direct methods of control as a way of mitigating this threat. Evidence from the colonies of Malaya, Sarawak, and Singapore demonstrates that the timing and success of changes in British colonial education policy were influenced by local conditions, including the relative size of local Chinese populations and the strength of organized opposition to British reforms. Both international and domestic security conditions interacted to shape British efforts to control Chinese minorities in colonial Southeast Asia.

What should we know about the roles of women in armed conflicts? I review the existing literature on women's roles in regular and irregular conflicts to identify gaps in our understanding of the significance of female combatants. I draw on contemporary and historical cases of women's combat participation across world regions and, in so doing, I challenge existing assumptions about the limits of women's participation in armed conflict. Examining women as a group and expecting conflict to affect this group in predictable and easily identifiable ways only reinforces existing assumptions about women and war. To understand the range of motivations underlying women's decisions to fight or to not fight, we should give greater attention to opportunity structures and other social conditions rather than simply assuming that women have different incentives than men.

"Women war criminals are far more common than we think. From the Holocaust to ethnic cleansing in the Balkans to the Rwandan genocide, women have perpetrated heinous crimes. Few have been punished. Women who have committed war crimes go unnoticed because their very existence goes against our assumptions about war and about women. Biases that contend that women are peaceful and innocent prevent us from "seeing" women as war criminals. They also work to prevent post-conflict justice systems from assigning women blame. We argue that women are just as capable as men in committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. They are also uniquely adept at using gender instrumentally to fight for better conditions and reduced sentences when war ends. We examine four legal cases to demonstrate this: the President (Biljana Plavšić), the Minister (Pauline Nyiramasuhuko), the Soldier (Lynndie England), and the Student (Hoda Muthana). The intersection of gender, the ideological commitment, age, race, nationality, religion, rank, and institutional membership of these women influenced their treatment by legal systems and their ability to mount a gendered defense of their actions. The political context and motivations of the courts that handled their cases also shaped the legal outcomes. Justice, ultimately, is not blind to gender"--

Individuals formerly involved in armed groups are positioned in the victim–perpetrator binary by legal systems and societies. Media participates in this process and influences the relationship between law and society by reproducing or challenging legal and social designations. We assess the relationship between the International Criminal Court's (ICC) prosecution of Dominic Ongwen, a former child soldier in Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), and media representations of Ongwen. We conduct a content analysis of 779 Ugandan, African, and international newspapers' English-language articles published between January 2005 and October 2022. We find that media coverage focuses on Ongwen's adult roles in the group, including as an LRA leader, largely reproducing the ICC's portrayal of the accused. A minority of articles acknowledge a more complex status and increase in frequency once Ongwen's ICC trial is underway. An important faction challenges the ICC's narrative, with non-Africa-based media presenting a more complex depiction of Ongwen.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1 Ukraine: Defending the Motherland -- 2 The Kurdish Regions: Fighting as Kurds, Fighting as Women -- 3 Colombia: Women Waging War and Peace -- Conclusions and Implications -- About the Authors