Suchergebnisse

In October 1998, at the height of the Monicagate scandal, the publication by the French publisher Plon of a novel which recounts the adulterous relationship in the 1960s between a politician bearing a marked resemblance to Francois Mitterrand, and a journalist, provided an interesting comparison between the attitudes of the French and of the Americans to the romantic dalliances of their respective leaders. For Jeanne Dautun's work of fiction Un ami d'autrefois is most certainly no Monica's Story, and French reactions to their President's lengthy extra-marital relationship with Anne Pingeot have been at the very least understanding, if not even compassionate. In France, the small gathering of graveside mourners amongst whom Mitterrand's mistress and illegitimate daughter Mazarine took their places shocked no-one, although many an eyebrow was raised in the United States. In truth, Mitterrand manipulated the release of information about his private life all along the line, "coming clean" only progressively with his approaching death. Although the general public knew nothing of his double life, journalists had been very much aware of the existence of this second family for a great many years, but had revealed nothing. The respect of his privacy in this relationship and the reactions of fellow French politicians to his unashamed infidelity contrast sharply with the fate reserved for Bill Clinton, the indiscretions of his private life exposed in the nation's press for all to enjoy. We may ask ourselves if French journalists are perhaps more gentlemanly, less cut-throat than their Anglo-Saxon counterparts. Or are the cliches which describe latins as inveterate romantics and lovers true after all? Or are these irrational judgments supported by powerful French legislation protecting the individual's right to privacy? This article aims to examine the main texts relating to infringements of privacy in France, highlighting in particular those committed by the press against public figures and celebrities.

In October 1998, at the height of the Monicagate scandal, the publication by the French publisher Plon of a novel which recounts the adulterous relationship in the 1960s between a politician bearing a marked resemblance to Francois Mitterrand, and a journalist, provided an interesting comparison between the attitudes of the French and of the Americans to the romantic dalliances of their respective leaders. For Jeanne Dautun's work of fiction Un ami d'autrefois is most certainly no Monica's Story, and French reactions to their President's lengthy extra-marital relationship with Anne Pingeot have been at the very least understanding, if not even compassionate. In France, the small gathering of graveside mourners amongst whom Mitterrand's mistress and illegitimate daughter Mazarine took their places shocked no-one, although many an eyebrow was raised in the United States. In truth, Mitterrand manipulated the release of information about his private life all along the line, "coming clean" only progressively with his approaching death. Although the general public knew nothing of his double life, journalists had been very much aware of the existence of this second family for a great many years, but had revealed nothing. The respect of his privacy in this relationship and the reactions of fellow French politicians to his unashamed infidelity contrast sharply with the fate reserved for Bill Clinton, the indiscretions of his private life exposed in the nation's press for all to enjoy. We may ask ourselves if French journalists are perhaps more gentlemanly, less cut-throat than their Anglo-Saxon counterparts. Or are the cliches which describe latins as inveterate romantics and lovers true after all? Or are these irrational judgments supported by powerful French legislation protecting the individual's right to privacy? This article aims to examine the main texts relating to infringements of privacy in France, highlighting in particular those committed by the press against public figures and celebrities.

Dès le déclenchement du conflit en Ukraine, le Royaume-Uni s'est résolument engagé à fournir à Kyiv une assistance militaire, logistique et financière substantielle, témoignant ainsi d'une solidarité atlantiste irréprochable. Cependant, l'engagement de Londres pour la cause ukrainienne est fortement terni par l'influence qu'exerce la Russie de Poutine sur les questions intérieures britanniques. Du Brexit, soutenu financièrement par Moscou, au rapport sur les interférences russes au Royaume-Uni, des golden visas vendus aux citoyens russes fortunés aux oligarques de Londongrad , des généreux donateurs russes au Parti Conservateur britannique aux relations qu'entretient Boris Johnson avec un proche de Poutine ancien du KGB, le paradoxe est troublant entre, d'une part, une relation russo-britannique quasiment incestueuse, et d'autre part un engagement britannique en Ukraine apparemment sans faille. À cette flagrante contradiction des positions britanniques s'ajoute en toile de fond une rivalité historique à l'égard de l'Allemagne et de la France qui, souvent, tourne à l'hostilité, une tendance que le Brexit n'a fait que renforcer. Ainsi, les tentations de critiquer les positions, tantôt allemandes, tantôt française, à l'égard de la question ukrainienne ont été autant de tentatives de présenter le Royaume-Uni comme le pays européen le plus engagé aux côtés de Kyiv. Néanmoins, la ligne adoptée à l'égard de la crise en Ukraine ne devrait pas être remise en cause par les prochains changements de gouvernements. Quant à l'hostilité pérenne vis-à-vis de l'Allemagne, de la France et de l'UE, celle-ci devrait s'estomper dès lors que le pays pourra enfin se doter d'un gouvernement plus responsable.

Tout au long de la présidence allemande de l'Union, l'un de ses enjeux fondamentaux aura été de mener à leur terme les discussions sur la relation future entre l'Union Européenne et le Royaume-Uni. Michel Barnier, responsable des négociations sur la sortie du Royaume-Uni, a pu compter sur le soutien inconditionnel apporté par cette présidence, afin d'éviter un no deal , qui eut été dommageable à tous, tout en préservant l'unité des 27 États-membres. L'accord, conclu à la veille de Noël 2020 après bien des péripéties, offre un cadre dans lequel s'inscrira la relation future. Mais Michel Barnier invite les Européens à rester vigilants. Comme le démontrent les auteurs, le Royaume-Uni post-Brexit, gagné par une idéologie national-populiste rétrograde ainsi qu'une corruption rampante au plus haut niveau du gouvernement, restera l'enfant terrible d'une Europe que les avocats les plus ardents du Brexit rêvent toujours de détruire.

Comment a-t-on pu, après 1945, surmonter la rivalité franco-allemande, marquée par de nombreux conflits sanglants, panser les plaies du passé et travailler à un avenir européen commun ? Comment le Rwanda, après 1994, a-t-il pu surmonter le génocide et réconcilier ses communautés pour ensuite devenir un acteur clé de l'intégration régionale est-africaine ? De prime abord fort différents, ces deux contextes de difficile réconciliation méritent d'être considérés en parallèle, afin de mieux cerner les stratégies qui ont permis de surmonter dans chaque camp, et dans chaque cas, les épreuves les plus inimaginables. A travers leurs approches respectives, accompagnées d'un travail de mémoire et de commémoration commun et respectueux des sensibilités, France et Allemagne d'une part, communautés rwandaises d'autre part, ont pu retrouver la paix et la volonté d'œuvrer ensemble, et avec leurs voisins, vers un avenir plus prospère.

Preface / Amb. Libe̹rat Mfumukeko -- Introduction: A Journey Towards Regional Integration / Jean-Marc Trouille -- Rethinking the Collapse of the First East African Community 1977: Lessons for the EU / Asteris Huliaras and Sophia Kalantzakos -- Contrasting Political Systems and the Challenge of Regional Integration: Uganda versus the rest in the EAC / Charles Amone -- Regulating the EAC: the origins, jurisdiction and authority of the East African Court of Justice / Helen Trouille -- An Analysis of Trade Trends in Africa: the EU and China in East Africa / -- Lynette Odondi -- The East African Community: Strong Dimensions, Weak Dimensions and Challenges / Jose̹ Mella -- Legal and Institutional Framework for Equitable Distribution of FDI in the EAC / Elvis Mbembe Binda -- Why the EU is Not Enough: EU member states' bilateral promotion of regional integration in the East African Community / Harrison Kalunga Mwilima -- The EAC and the Burundi Crisis: The East African Standby Force as an instrument for Security integration / Ge̹rard Birantamije -- South Sudan: Challenges and Opportunities as a Member State of the EAC / Dirk Hansohm -- Social Integration of the EAC: migration, education, normative power and human rights / Penine Uwimbabazi -- Exploring the Challenges and Opportunities of Civil Society and other Non- Government Organisations fostering Regional Integration: The case of the EAC / Julaina Obika and Moses Onyango -- Conclusion / Amb. Roeland van de Geer.