Lynn Hunt, L'histoire. Pourquoi elle nous concerne
In: Idées ećonomiques et sociales
ISSN: 2116-5289
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In: Idées ećonomiques et sociales
ISSN: 2116-5289
Oscar Bardi de Fourtou is involved in french political life as the Man of the Seize-Mai, the Home minister with a very special manner leading with authority and his decisions don't accept any protest. Commissioned by the marechal Mac-Mahon to lead the fight against republicans, he organized a lot of changes inside the civil servant corps, to help the government restore its power in local position. With the dissolution of the Parliament, he had to prepare the next legislative elections in October 1877 to prevent the victory of republicans. All the legal means were used but under the political pressure of the different components of the Conservative forces which maintain the President policy. The electoral failure of the Conservative forces involved the political responsibility of the former Home minister. His bad reputation came from the winner and also in the Conservative camp, disappointed by his attitude during the crisis not taking strong solutions to resolve it. His political career is lightning. As a lawyer in Riberac, and mayor of his home town, he was elected as Member of Parliament on February 1871. Registered as a member of Right Center, he was chosen by Thiers to be the new Public Work of his government. After the of the President, he was closer to the dynastic Right, and got confidence of the new President Mac-Mahon who decided to give him the Public Education ministry. Therefore, Fourtou represents the authoritarian position of one part of the Conservatives and that's the reason he changed to the Home ministry in June 1874 and of course, in May 1877.At the same time, he continues his local work and became the Orleans railways Company manager. One of the most important politicians of the French Right, he was closely linked to the Elysee palace. After the Seize-Mai, he carried on his political business, despite the stigmatization of the Parliament, and his invalidation, he was elected again. As senator, he fought against the opportunist reforms but didn't succeed in the different national elections in ...
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Oscar Bardi de Fourtou is involved in french political life as the Man of the Seize-Mai, the Home minister with a very special manner leading with authority and his decisions don't accept any protest. Commissioned by the marechal Mac-Mahon to lead the fight against republicans, he organized a lot of changes inside the civil servant corps, to help the government restore its power in local position. With the dissolution of the Parliament, he had to prepare the next legislative elections in October 1877 to prevent the victory of republicans. All the legal means were used but under the political pressure of the different components of the Conservative forces which maintain the President policy. The electoral failure of the Conservative forces involved the political responsibility of the former Home minister. His bad reputation came from the winner and also in the Conservative camp, disappointed by his attitude during the crisis not taking strong solutions to resolve it. His political career is lightning. As a lawyer in Riberac, and mayor of his home town, he was elected as Member of Parliament on February 1871. Registered as a member of Right Center, he was chosen by Thiers to be the new Public Work of his government. After the of the President, he was closer to the dynastic Right, and got confidence of the new President Mac-Mahon who decided to give him the Public Education ministry. Therefore, Fourtou represents the authoritarian position of one part of the Conservatives and that's the reason he changed to the Home ministry in June 1874 and of course, in May 1877.At the same time, he continues his local work and became the Orleans railways Company manager. One of the most important politicians of the French Right, he was closely linked to the Elysee palace. After the Seize-Mai, he carried on his political business, despite the stigmatization of the Parliament, and his invalidation, he was elected again. As senator, he fought against the opportunist reforms but didn't succeed in the different national elections in ...
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In: Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 133-137
In: Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 122-124
In: Parlement(s): revue d'histoire politique, Heft 1, S. 122-124
ISSN: 1962-3968, 1768-6520
In: Parlement(s): revue d'histoire politique, Heft 1, S. 133-137
ISSN: 1962-3968, 1768-6520
In: Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique, Band HS 4, Heft 3, S. 145-162
Résumé Simple fantasme ou réel danger, la réminiscence du Second Empire ordonne une pratique instrumentale du pouvoir (candidature officielle, plébiscite, coup d'État, contrôle des corps administratifs, mise au pas du suffrage universel) qui fonde la légitimité de l'action gouvernementale dans les années 1870, particulièrement après l'échec de la restauration monarchique en 1873. Les bonapartistes tournent autour du jeune berceau républicain comme des vautours prêts à se partager le jeune cadavre qu'ils auront tué à coup de plébiscite et de violence brutale. Ainsi, les rumeurs de coup d'État ont, au-delà de leurs effets psychologiques et politiques dévastateurs, servis d'arme politique redoutable à une frange plus large de la droite conservatrice que les simples tenants du camp impérialiste. Cet instrument, pur produit d'un fantasme collectif, permet de gouverner même en temps de crise aiguë. Si on peut définitivement rejeter l'idée que le Seize-Mai a été un coup d'État manqué, il n'en demeure pas moins une période où la réminiscence impériale et son corollaire violent et brutal, le coup d'État ont largement été utilisés comme ferments d'une majorité gouvernementale hétéroclite. Le bras de fer entre le président du Conseil et son ministre de l'Intérieur pendant la crise révèle certainement le paroxysme auquel est parvenue l'utilisation abusive de pratiques que tous condamnaient. Le spectre impérial comme exutoire a fini par créer les conditions solides et durables du régime républicain.
In: Parlement(s): revue d'histoire politique, Heft 3, S. 145-162
ISSN: 1962-3968, 1768-6520
In: Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 6-10
In: Parlement(s): revue d'histoire politique, Heft 1, S. 6-10
ISSN: 1962-3968, 1768-6520
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