Liberal reforms of Tsar Alexander II after Russia's defeat in the Crimean War gave the Poles great hopes for satisfying their state-building aspirations. Russians also demanded reformation of all spheres of life of the empire. But from the middle of 1862, the Russian press succeeded to rouse pro-imperial sentiments among the Russian public, using anti-Polish rhetoric. This so-called "Polish threat" became a means of mobilizing Russians to defend their «motherland», which was identical in their understanding to the concept of empire. Reputable Russian publicists stated the conviction that allowing the Poles to create a state is equivalent to provoking a collapse of the Russian state. Thus, the Poles should be left in the Russian Empire, but at the same time, they should become Slavs again, that is, to "awake" in them the specific Slavic culture they had lost, becoming Catholics and cultivating their gentry noble values. Polish peasantry was considered being the basis of the «re-education» of Polish society, and, according to the Russians, preserved a specific Slavic identity, therefore had allegedly "pro-Russian" sentiments that only need to be supported with the correct reforms.
A descriptive reconstruction of Orthodox life in Odesa in the early 1920s is presented against the background of the communist offensive in the form of 'Bilshovyk propaganda by action', which was realized in treacherous methods of anti-religious, atheistic propaganda, initiating a schism in the city Orthodox community, and provoking local religious opposition and institutional self-destruction in the local religious society to please atheistic manipulators of church life. The analyzed archeographic basis of the research and professional publications of recent years have allowed the authors to reconstruct the main vector components of the communist government's policy aimed at limiting social and religious opportunities under the communist government's ideological pressure and treacherous practices. Different notions are united in the paper, historical as well as social (mental, religious, moral, immoral, etc.), based on certain legislative acts, unknown documentary sources confirming the offensive actions of communist atheists just on the example of Odesa, where the ROC was prevalent in comparison with other church formations as it remains to this day. ; В научной нарации представлена начертательная реконструкция православной жизни в Одессе в начале 1920-х гг. На фоне коммунистического наступления в виде «большевистской пропаганды действием», что нашло реализацию в коварных методах антирелигиозной атеистической пропаганды, инициировании раскола в православной общине города, провокациях в локальном религиозном социуме межконфессионального противостояния и институционального самоуничтожения в угоду атеистическим манипуляторам церковной жизнью. Проанализированная археографическая основа исследования и профессиональная литература последних лет дали возможность авторам реконструировать основные, векторные составляющие политики коммунистической власти, направленой на ограничение социально-религиозных возможностей в условиях идеологического прессинга коммунистической власти и коварных «практик» ее органов. В статье сводится отдельное воедино, и историческое, и социальное (ментальное, религиозное, нравственное, аморальное и т.д.), опираясь на ряд законодательных актов, неизвестных/малоизвестных документальных источников, подтверждающих наступательные акции коммунистов-атеистов именно на одесском примере, где РПЦ была превалирующей по сравнению с другими церковными образованиями и остается такой по сей день. ; У науковій нарації репрезентується нарисна реконструкція православного життя в Одесі на початку 1920-хрр. на тлі комуністичного наступу у вигляді «більшовицької пропаганди дією», що знайшло реалізацію у підступних методах антирелігійної атеїстичної пропаганди, ініціюванні розколу у православній громаді міста, провокуванні у локальному релігійному соціумі міжконфесійного протистояння та інституційного самовинищення на догоду атеїстичним маніпуляторам церковного життя. Проаналізована археографічна основа дослідження та фахова література останніх років надали можливість авторам реконструювати основні, векторні складові політики комуністичної влади, спрямуваної на обмеження соціально-релігійних можливостей в умовах ідеологічного пресингу комуністичної влади та підступних «практик» її органів. У статті зводиться окремішнє в одне ціле, й історичне, й соціальне (ментальне, релігійне, моральне, аморальне тощо), опираючись на низку законодавчих актів, невідомих/маловідомих документальних джерел, що підтверджують наступальні акції комуністів-атеїстів саме на одеському прикладі, де РПЦ була превалюючою у порівнянні з іншими церковними утвореннями і залишається такою досьогодні.
The aim of the article was to determine the role of the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of its historical-political development. The methodological basis of the study meant a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach using systemic, civilizational, historical-chronological and structural-functional methods, as well as the method of comparative analysis and institutional approach. The results obtained allow us to conclude that, in the modern world, the Russian Orthodox Church has been noted for its active participation in missionary activity, which has also set itself the goal of spreading the ideas of the 'Slavic' or 'Russian world' among the peoples of Asia and Africa. The spiritual values preached through the missionary work of the Russian Orthodox Church, taking into account its contribution to the Russian state and culture, are gradually becoming the basis for popularizing the Russian national idea, which is dialectically positioning itself as the main civilizational vector of the international policies of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Russian Orthodox Church has a rather strong influence on the formation of the image of the Russian Federation in the eyes of the world community, this is so, in part, due to its spiritual missions.
The sphere of security plays an important role in the domestic and foreign policy of states. In this regard, the object of the study were security threats that determine stability in Ukraine and Pakistan. The authors used the method of comparative analysis to draw parallels between the security of Ukraine and Pakistan and identify possible ways to improve it. It is concluded that, both Ukraine and Pakistan are quite geopolitically distant, have different histories and state-building processes, but are affected by traditional and "non-traditional" security threats. Definitely, the main unifying factor for the states is the antagonistic or "enemy" state - India for Pakistan and Russia for Ukraine, which becomes a catalyst for the formation of national identity and unity of society. The conflicts in Pakistan (Kashmir, Baluchistan and Pashtunistan) and Ukraine (war in Donbass, illegal annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation) have had common consequences and mechanisms for overcoming them, which are implemented in the context of the internal and state policy of both Kiev and Islamabad.
The aim of the article is to reveal the importance of the instruments of the Russian Orthodox Church in the European space: the Representation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the European institutions and the Representation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Council of Europe. The methodological basis of the study is a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach that uses systemic, civilizational, historical-chronological and structural-functional methods. Everything leads to the conclusion that the activities of the missions are designed to contribute to the achievement of the foreign policy objectives, both religious and spiritual and State of the Russian Federation. By interacting with foreign media and civil society institutions, the offices of the Russian Orthodox Church promote a positive image of Russian Orthodoxy and the idea of a "Russian world", creating a more favorable image of these ideas in the world for Russia's foreign policy. In this way, we see that the Orthodox Church has intensified its external activities in the twenty-first century. At the same time, it is often not only religious but also political, attesting to the greater rapprochement of the "New Russia" with the Russian Orthodox Church, which continues to perform secular tasks on the foreign policy front.
