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Abstract
All countries implemented policies to mitigate the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and control fatalities from COVID-19. Although early actions were pivotal in reducing confirmed cases and deaths, the timing of the introduction of these policies differed from country to country. This article assesses and compares the behavior of various decentralized countries in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on the timing of implementation of containment measures and viewing timeliness of adoption as denoting a country's level of responsiveness to a health crisis. Using international databases, this article finds that more decentralized countries delayed the start of containment measures. This article also finds that larger and more densely populated countries were more likely to delay implementation of these policies.

Using a bivariate probit model to control for selective access to employment, with this paper I aim to see whether, as expected by theory, migration lowers the problem of overeducation and gender division raises it, paying particular attention to the role of the proximity, interactions, and externalities of the various regions in the EU. The results show that workers with low probability of employment run a high risk of overeducation when they find a job. However, the results do not show evidence that male immigrants run a lower risk of overeducation than others. Highly educated people are more likely to migrate within a country not only to achieve better career prospects and greater employment opportunities but also to reduce the propensity for overeducation. The economic development and educational endowment of the region where a worker lives can explain the risk of overeducation.

AbstractThis paper develops a multidimensional methodological framework for examining the geographical handicaps and associated socioeconomic drawbacks of nomenclature of territorial units for statistics (NUTS) III regions in Greece to conceive diverse dimensions of peripherality and target the de‐peripheralization of peripheral regions. Building on the network paradigm, empirical analysis, and policy assessment, the analysis sheds light on the unique characteristics and challenges experienced by inland, island, coastal, and borderline regions across the multiple dimensions and conceives a tailored mix of policy measures to address the specific needs and catalyze development in each region. The proposed methodological framework provides a roadmap for understanding the complex interplay between geographical and socioeconomic dynamics and policy interventions, offering methodological and empirical insights for regional policymakers, practitioners, and stakeholders toward a more prosperous and equitable regional development landscape.

AbstractThis paper examines whether the location factors related to the rich natural endowments of Greece (first nature of geography) affect those of the proximity to suppliers, similar firms and the capital (second nature of geography). It finds that geomorphology and climate reinforce all the second‐nature factors. Sea access favours firms' linkages, and natural resources attract both firms' linkages and localization economies. Nevertheless, the high‐quality natural environment of certain areas cannot coexist with localization and urbanization economies. These findings seem to be stronger for domestic than for foreign firms, while the differences between sectors are sensitive to the geography factors.

Can a nation prevent a hazard-related disaster by investing in socioeconomic and political policy tools? Drawing on 8 global datasets (1960-2016) and using a fixed effects logit model, we examine the importance of socioeconomic and political factors in changing the likelihood of disasters in 224 countries. We find that socioeconomic factors are of more importance than political factors. Low-income countries are significantly more disaster prone than high-income countries; this effect is stronger and more robust for natural than technological disasters. Higher national population density increases the probability that a hazard turns into a disaster; this effect is much stronger and robust for technological than natural disasters. Educational endowment has a negative and statistically significant effect on the probability of all disasters, especially for natural-related disasters. In terms of political factors, there is no evidence that government composition and federalism influence a country's natural or technological disaster probability. Nevertheless, there is very weak evidence that quality of governance has a positive and statistically significant effect on the likelihood of disasters. Our findings point out that we can prevent natural and technological disasters by investing in economic development, investing in education, and managing disaster prone in high urban areas. These findings highlight the importance of focusing efforts on addressing larger scale macro-economic, social and cultural distortions that generate vulnerability, as well as the prioritizing investment in both the Sendai Priorities and the Sustainable Development Goals that previously have not been linked to disaster probability.

Poverty reduction and the tackling of social exclusion are overarching goals of development and welfare policies. This paper explores the extent to which decentralisation contributes to poverty and social exclusion alleviation in European countries and regions. We find evidence that increases in central government transfers of political, administrative, and fiscal authority to subnational tiers of government reduce poverty and address social exclusion at an aggregate level. This, however, mainly happens in countries with a high degree of governance quality and, fundamentally, in urban areas. The link between decentralisation and poverty and social exclusion alleviation is more uniform at the regional level, as greater regional autonomy is connected to lower poverty and social exclusion, regardless of the quality of regional government. Hence, when regional governments have the capacity to design their own independent policies, a reduction of poverty and social exclusion and improvements in well-being generally ensue.

The aim of this paper is to assess the extent to which different levels of decentralisation across regions of the European Union (EU) affected citizens' perceptions about European integration over the period 1973-2002. The paper uses Eurobarometer Surveys to explore by means of multinomial logistic regressions whether decentralisation was an important factor behind the varying perceptions about Europe. Two dimensions of decentralization-political and fiscal-are considered in the analysis, alongside several compositional and contextual effects. The results of the analysis show that fiscal decentralisation was fundamental for citizens' support for European integration, while there is limited evidence that political decentralisation played a similar role. Hence, while fiscal decentralisation may have given prominence to the economic benefits of European integration, political decentralisation was more associated with its economic costs. Taking into account that history matters, this paper raises potentially interesting insights for the design of policies aimed at promoting social cohesion.

The aim of this paper is to assess the extent to which different levels of decentralisation across regions of the European Union (EU) affected citizens' perceptions about European integration over the period 1973-2002. The paper uses Eurobarometer Surveys to explore by means of multinomial logistic regressions whether decentralisation was an important factor behind the varying perceptions about Europe. Two dimensions of decentralization-political and fiscal-are considered in the analysis, alongside several compositional and contextual effects. The results of the analysis show that fiscal decentralisation was fundamental for citizens' support for European integration, while there is limited evidence that political decentralisation played a similar role. Hence, while fiscal decentralisation may have given prominence to the economic benefits of European integration, political decentralisation was more associated with its economic costs. Taking into account that history matters, this paper raises potentially interesting insights for the design of policies aimed at promoting social cohesion.

The aim of this paper is to assess the extent to which different levels of decentralisation across regions of the European Union (EU) affected citizens' perceptions about European integration over the period 1973-2002. The paper uses Eurobarometer Surveys to explore by means of multinomial logistic regressions whether decentralisation was an important factor behind the varying perceptions about Europe. Two dimensions of decentralization - political and fiscal - are considered in the analysis, alongside several compositional and contextual effects. The results of the analysis show that fiscal decentralisation was fundamental for citizens' support for European integration, while there is limited evidence that political decentralisation played a similar role. Hence, while fiscal decentralisation may have given prominence to the economic benefits of European integration, political decentralisation was more associated with its economic costs. Taking into account that history matters, this paper raises potentially interesting insights for the design of policies aimed at promoting social cohesion.