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"Rights Make Might examines why the three most salient minority groups in Japan all expanded their activism since the late 1970s and chronicles the galvanizing effects of global human rights ideas and institutions on local social movements. The prehistory of the three groups reveals that minority politics in Japan before the 1970s featured politically dormant Ainu - an indigenous people in northern Japan -, active but unsuccessful Koreans - a stateless colonial legacy group -, and active and established Burakumin - a former outcaste group that still faced social discrimination. Despite the unfavorable domestic political environment, the infusion of global human rights ideas and the opening of international human rights arenas as new venues for contestation transformed minority activists' movement actorhood, or subjective understanding about their position and entitled rights in Japan, as well as the views of the Japanese public and political establishment toward those groups, thus catalyzing substantial gains for all three groups. Having benefited from global human rights, all three groups also repaid their debt by contributing to the consolidation and expansion of global human rights principles and instruments. Drawing on interviews and archival data, Rights Make Might offers a detailed historical and comparative analysis of the co-constitutive relationship between international human rights activities and local politics that contributes to our understanding of international norms, multilateral institutions, social movements, human rights, and ethno-racial politics."

"The global expansion of corporate social responsibility in recent decades has been spectacular. While much debate continues on the content and efficacy of corporate social responsibility (CSR), the notion that corporations are accountable for the social and environmental consequences of their activities has become widely accepted in the worlds of business, government, and civil society. Global CSR frameworks such as the United Nations Global Compact and the Global Reporting Initiative include thousands of business participants across multiple countries and industries, attracting wide support from governments and civil society organizations. Corresponding to the rising global profile of CSR, scholarly attention to CSR has grown tremendously (Crouch and Maclean 2011; Haufler 2001; Hoffman 2001; Hoffman and Ventresca 2002; Lindgreen et al. 2012; May, Cheney, Roper 2007; Potoski and Prakash 2009; Prakash and Potoski 2006; Smith et al. 2010; Soule 2009; Utting and Marques 2010; Vogel 2005). Building on this literature, this volume examines two key issues in contemporary CSR activities"--

This article examines why global corporate social responsibility (CSR) frameworks have gained popularity in the past decade, despite their uncertain costs and benefits, and how they affect adherents' behavior. We focus on the two largest global frameworks—the United Nations Global Compact and the Global Reporting Initiative—to examine patterns of CSR adoption by governments and corporations. Drawing on institutional and political-economy theories, we develop a new analytic framework that focuses on four key environmental factors—global institutional pressure, local receptivity, foreign economic penetration, and national economic system. We propose two arguments about the relationship between stated commitment and subsequent action: decoupling due to lack of capacity and organized hypocrisy due to lack of will. Our cross-national time-series analyses show that global institutional pressure through nongovernmental linkages encourages CSR adoption, but this pressure leads to ceremonial commitment in developed countries and to substantive commitment in developing countries. Moreover, in developed countries, liberal economic policies increase ceremonial commitment, suggesting a pattern of organized hypocrisy whereby corporations in developed countries make discursive commitments without subsequent action. We also find that in developing countries, short-term trade relations exert greater influence on corporate CSR behavior than do long-term investment transactions.

This article examines why global corporate social responsibility (CSR) frameworks havegained popularity in the past decade, despite their uncertain costs and benefits, and how theyaffect adherents' behavior. We focus on the two largest global frameworks—the United NationsGlobal Compact and the Global Reporting Initiative—to examine patterns of CSR adoption bygovernments and corporations. Drawing on institutional and political-economy theories, wedevelop a new analytic framework that focuses on four key environmental factors—globalinstitutional pressure, local receptivity, foreign economic penetration, and national economicsystem. We propose two arguments about the relationship between stated commitment andsubsequent action: decoupling due to lack of capacity and organized hypocrisy due to lack ofwill. Our cross-national time-series analyses show that global institutional pressure throughnongovernmental linkages encourages CSR adoption, but this pressure leads to ceremonialcommitment in developed countries and to substantive commitment in developing countries.Moreover, in developed countries, liberal economic policies increase ceremonial commitment,suggesting a pattern of organized hypocrisy whereby corporations in developed countriesmake discursive commitments without subsequent action. We also find that in developingcountries, short-term trade relations exert greater influence on corporate CSR behavior thando long-term investment transactions.

Many countries seem to be confronting challenges from ethnic movements. This study extends arguments from existing theories to consider an explanation of ethnic mobilization at the world system level. The analysis uses structural equation models to compare data on ethnic mobilization in 130 countries from 1965 to 1990. The authors examine hypotheses concerning the impact of peripheral status and integration into the world system on the magnitude of ethnic violence and nonviolence. Results provide evidence that peripheral countries with more ties to international governmental organizations have significantly lower levels of ethnic violence than peripheral countries without these ties. Moreover, peripheral countries with more memberships in international organizations experience a significantly higher magnitude of ethnic nonviolent protest. Finally, we present some speculative results regarding the impact of income inequality on the magnitude of ethnic violence.

Examines the relationship of ethnic violence to national ties with international governmental organizations and to income inequality; based on data from 130 countries, 1965-90. Some focus on ethnic nonviolent protest.

Cover -- Half-title -- Series page -- Title page -- Copyright information -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- 1 | From the Fukuda Doctrine to the FOIP: The Evolution of Japanese Engagement in Southeast Asia -- Phases of Japanese Engagement -- Economic Engagement with Strategic Subordination -- The Fukuda Doctrine and a More Activist Approach -- Added Autonomy after the Cold War -- Abe and the Indo- Pacific Era -- Understanding Japan's Importance in Southeast Asia -- Relations on the International Political Plane -- The Roles of Non-State Actors: Business, Development, and Culture -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Part I: Relations on the International Political Plane -- 2 | Japan as the Key to Southeast Asian Diversification -- The Relevance of Diversification -- Distinguishing Hedging and Diversification -- The Merits of Diversifying -- Japan's Facilitation of Southeast Asian Diversification -- Aid Diversification -- Trade and Investment Diversification -- Diversifying through Multilateral Diplomacy -- The New Frontier: Maritime Security -- Implications for Regional Order -- Notes -- 3 | Japan's Defense and Security Cooperation in Southeast Asia: Developing Security Networks, Capacities, and Institutions -- Security Networking -- Joint Training and Exercises -- Bilateral Defense Diplomacy -- Formation of the "Vientiane Vision": A Comprehensive Approach -- Capacity Building -- Regional Security Cooperation: Institutional Development -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 | Wedge Strategies, Japan-ASEAN Cooperation, and the Making of the EAS: Implications for Indo-Pacific Institutionalization -- "Wedge Strategies" in Multilateral Institutions: The Case of ASEAN -- The EAS Establishment Process: Tug-Of-War among Japan, China, and ASEAN Member States -- Analysis: Japan and ASEAN Cooperation -- Conclusion: Implications for the Indo-Pacific.

This study proposes to examine how the emergence of global human rights ideas has changedframing in local social movements and construction of social movement actorhood, using the case of resident Koreans' activism in Japan. Theoretically, we combine the world society approach and framing theory in social movement literature to evaluate the impact of global models on local construction of social movement actorhood. Examination of the history of resident Koreans' social movements with archival data reveals that activists in the movements used nation-state-based citizenship rights frames in the early post-war period but increasingly used universal human rights language since the 1970s. The first period was characterized by a deep chasm between North and South Korean residents in Japan, while in the second period, use of universal human rights vocabularies transformed their movement actorhood and enabled collaborative social movements by North and South Koreans as well as other international activists, leading to some key policy changes in their favor.

This review examines recent scholarship on the rise of international human rights law and proposes that social movements have played critical roles both in elevating the standards of human rights in international law and in leveraging these standards into better local practices. Institutionalization of universal human rights principles began in the immediate post–World War II period, in which civil society actors worked with powerful states to establish human rights as a key guiding principle of the international community and to ensure the actors' continuing participation in international human rights institutions. The subsequent decades saw various hurdles arise in international politics, but civil society actors skillfully used the small openings that they had gained to continue to advance the cause of human rights. They held powerful governments accountable to their lofty promises about human rights and worked with sympathetic governments in the UN system to continuously upgrade the standards of international human rights. They also leveraged human rights laws toward better local practices, taking advantage of new political opportunities created by human rights laws, using expanding international channels to increase flows of human and material resources, embracing globally legitimated vocabularies of human rights to frame their movements, and integrating the broad cultural effects of human rights laws to construct new social movement identity and actorhood. The review then points out some potential pitfalls of international human rights laws: professionalization of movement actors, which can undermine the impact of social movements and lead to less ambitious and transformative goals; privileging of some causes over others, which can lead to demobilization around certain issues; and overextending movement goals, which can give rise to strong backlash against human rights principles.

International human rights treaties have been ratified by many nation-states, including those ruled by repressive governments, raising hopes for better practices in many corners of the world. Evidence increasingly suggests, however, that human rights laws are most effective in stable or consolidating democracies or in states with strong civil society activism. If so, treaties may be failing to make a difference in those states most in need of reform — the world's worst abusers — even though they have been the targets of the human rights regime from the very beginning. The authors address this question of compliance by focusing on the behavior of repressive states in particular. Through a series of cross-national analyses on the impact of two key human rights treaties, the article demonstrates that (1) governments, including repressive ones, frequently make legal commitments to human rights treaties, subscribing to recognized norms of protection and creating opportunities for socialization and capacity-building necessary for lasting reforms; (2) these commitments mostly have no effects on the world's most terrible repressors even long into the future; (3) recent findings that treaty effectiveness is conditional on democracy and civil society do not explain the behavior of the world's most abusive governments; and (4) realistic institutional reforms will probably not help to solve this problem.