Suchergebnisse

»from [al'manja] with love verbindet in so noch nicht gesehener Form postkoloniale und transnationale feministische Ansätze mit kritischer Migrationsforschung und antirassistischer Praxis. Radikal im besten Sinne lässt das Ergebnis keinen Zweifel daran, dass diese Verbindung nicht nur Sinn macht, sondern für ein grundsätzliches Infragestellen binärer Dominanzstrukturen zwingend notwendig ist. Von der deutschen Situation ausgehend, aber globale Strukturen im Auge behaltend, entwickelt Tudor ein theoretisches Konzept, das sowohl Rassismus und Migratismus differenziert als auch den anhaltenden Einfluss des europäischen Kolonialismus aufzeigt. Die resultierende, trans_feministische und trans_diasporische Analyse ist eine originelle und immens wichtige intellektuelle und politische Interventionin deutsche Debatten um Migration, Rassismus und Widerstand.« Fatima El-Tayeb, Associate Professor, Department of Literature and Department of Ethnic Studies; Associate Director, Critical Gender Studies Program. University of California, San Diego Alyosxa Tudor, 2008-2011 wissenschaftliche Mitarbeit am Zentrum für transdisziplinäre Gender Studies, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. 2013-2014 GEXcel visiting scholar, Center of Gender Excellence, Linköping University, Sweden.

Abstract
In this article, the author argues that a decolonial perspective on gender means conceptualizing it as always already trans. The object of investigation is gender as a category and gender studies as a field of knowledge. To discuss what decolonizing trans/gender studies in Europe could mean, the author aims to bring different strands together that have been held apart so far: resistance against global attacks on gender studies, resistance against transphobic feminism, and the "decolonising the curriculum" movement in the United Kingdom. A critical focus on Eurocentric knowledge and truth claims means to define Europe as a complex set of geopolitical, historical, and epistemological processes and not just as a neutral location. At British universities, a mostly student-led movement has started to emerge that fights for decolonizing higher education. This movement is inspired by transnational student movements like Rhodes/Fees Must Fall in South Africa and calls for challenging racist, colonialist, nationalist, and neoliberal paradigms in knowledge production by addressing both issues of epistemology and access to higher education. Applying central political claims of the "decolonising the curriculum" movement, the author explores potentials and challenges of the task of decolonizing trans/gender studies in Europe and the global North. The author's intervention opens up a discussion on how to conceptualize knowledge on transgender with a central focus on decolonial and transnational perspectives.

Looking from a critical race perspective at Wittig's lesbian, in this article, I draw two conclusions. First, I suggest that it is actually trans exclusionary lesbians' own transphobia that makes them cis-gendered. And second, it becomes clear that the politicisation of choosing and refusing gender needs to acknowledge racism's shaping role in the construction of gender. My approach not only intervenes in transphobic feminisms that are obsessed with simplistic understandings of sexual violence, but also questions rigid cis/trans binaries and rejects accounts of trans/gender that ignore the role of racialisation for the emergence of gender. The main question that I address is: how to conceptualise the complex im/possibilities of refusing and choosing in relation to gender? It is my aim to connect seemingly disparate knowledge productions on genderqueer, trans and other 'impossible' genders and sexualities. I am particularly interested in a phenomenon that can be described as 'lesbian haunting': the ambivalences one will find in tracing lesbian theory in relation to transing gender. With this, it is my attempt to rethink lesbian, queer and trans feminist approaches on violence, and to investigate the role of sexual violence within broader concepts of violence. More specifically, in order to understand both 'gender' and 'transing gender' as always already racialised, my approach builds on theories that identify 'ungendering' as an effect of normative racial violence (e.g. Spillers, 1987; Lewis, 2017; Snorton, 2017).

This article identifies and analyses links between conceptualisations of trans-gender and trans-national, and aims for a critical redefinition of political agency. Through an examination of theories on transing, passing and performativity in queer-, trans- and transnational feminist knowledge production—illustrated by discursive examples from transgender communities and Romanian migrant communities—I call for a conceptualisation of entangled power relations that does not rely on fixed, pre-established categories, but defines subjectivity through risk in political struggle. I suggest that 'transing' the nation and 'transing' gender could be thought as critical moves for a radical deconstruction of gendered and national belonging. Rather than provide a static definition of the term 'transnationalism', the article explores potentials and limits of going beyond 'the national' and 'gender', and intervenes in forms of minority nationalism that reproduce racism, sexism, heteronormativity and gender binary as the norm of Western national belonging. In particular, building on Jasbir Puar's (2007) conceptualisation of homonationalism, the article shows how forms of nationalism in Western transgender and migrant communities rely on a combination of heteronormative binary gendering and the exertion of racism. While a conventionalised approach to transnationalism defines the term as a political strategy based on transnational politics, I play with suggesting different dimensions of transnationalism: it could mean 'transgender nationalism'; the 'assimilation of transgendered persons to the Western nation'; or 'cross-border-nationalism', a form of nationalism often established in migrant communities that constructs the diaspora as a nationalist extension of the homeland. My focus, therefore, is on analysing privilegings, contradictions and ambivalences in gendering, racialising and nationalising ascriptions of (non)belonging. Overall, and as an alternative to romanticised knowledge productions of crossing national and gendered borders, I suggest a power-sensitive epistemological and methodological shift in thinking entangled power relations, belonging and subjectivity in transnational feminist knowledge productions.

We respond to prompts about the relationships between race, migration, and sexuality, as these intersecting differences have been forced into the same frame by the violent practices of right-wing regimes, and brought into relief by Covid19. Even as we have long known that sexual politics are a way to govern bodies, and to distribute uneven states of vulnerability, we are seeing new incarnations of government. What we aim to point out is how people who are seen as "different" are being attacked, maimed, dispossessed and murdered. But perhaps more importantly, we insist on the specific nature of right-wing times because these regimes not only encourage attacks on people, but on the very idea that such people should exist, have rights and be recognized and understood; that there are areas of scholarship that center them, or areas of law that try to address the inequalities that dispossess them.