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AbstractFinancial barriers may restrict women's ability to use their preferred contraceptive methods, especially long‐acting reversible contraceptives (LARC). Providing free access to a broad contraceptive method mix, including both LARC and short‐acting reversible contraceptives (SARC), may increase contraceptive use, meet women's various fertility needs, and increase their agency in contraceptive decisions. Linking facility and individual data from eight countries in sub‐Saharan Africa, we use a propensity score approach combined with machine learning techniques to examine how free access to a broad contraceptive method mix affects women's contraceptive choice. Free access to both LARC and SARC was associated with an increase of 3.2 percentage points (95 percent confidence interval: 0.006, 0.058) in the likelihood of contraceptive use, driven by greater use of SARC. Among contraceptive users, free access did not prompt women to switch to LARC and had no effect on contraceptive decision‐making. The price effects were larger among older and more educated women, but free access was associated with lower contraceptive use among adolescents. While free access to contraceptives is associated with a modest increase in contraceptive use for some women, removing user fees alone does not address all barriers women face, especially for the most vulnerable groups of women.

AbstractThe reproductive calendar is a data collection tool that collects month‐by‐month retrospective histories of contraceptive use. This survey instrument is implemented in large‐scale demographic surveys, but its reliability is not well‐understood. Our analysis helps to address this research gap, using longitudinal panel data with overlapping calendars from urban Kenya. Our findings indicate calendar data collected in 2014 underestimated 2012 reports of current use by 5 percentage points. And while the overall percentage of women reporting at least one episode of contraceptive use was similar across the two calendars (67 percent vs. 70 percent), there was notable disagreement in contraceptive behavior when comparing the histories of individual women; less than 20 percent of women with any contraceptive use reported the exact same pattern of use in both calendars. Low calendar reliability was especially apparent for younger women and those with complicated contraceptive histories. Individual‐level discordance resulted in a small difference in 12‐month discontinuation rates for the period of calendar overlap; when surveyed in 2014, women reported a 12‐month discontinuation rate of 39 percent, compared to a rate of 34 percent reported in 2012. When using retrospective calendar data, attention must be paid to the potential for individual reporting errors.

BACKGROUND: Financial access to family planning (FP) is essential to the health and well-being of women in Tanzania. Tanzanian policy dictates that FP methods and services obtained at public facilities are provided for free. However, public sector FP is no longer free when providers solicit informal payments. In this analysis, we investigate the prevalence and amount of informal payments for FP in Tanzania. METHODS: We used data from the 2015–2016 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey to investigate whether informal payments for FP had been effectively eliminated by this policy. RESULTS: We found that, at public sector facilities, the majority (84.6%) of women received their current FP method for free (95% confidence interval (CI): 81.9, 87.3), but this proportion varied meaningfully by facility and method type. Injectable contraception was the most commonly used method by women in the lowest wealth quintiles and was most frequently sought by these women from a government dispensary. One in four women (25.8%) seeking injectable contraception from government dispensaries reported paying a fee (95% CI: 19.5, 32.1). Among injectable users who reported payment for their current method, the mean cost at public sector facilities was 1420 Tanzanian Shillings (TSh) and the mean cost at private sector facilities was TSh 1930 (approximately 0.61 United States Dollars (USD) and 0.83 USD, respectively). Among implant users who reported payment for their current method, the mean cost at public sector facilities was TSh 4127 and the mean cost at private sector facilities was TSh 6194 (approximately 1.78 USD and 2.68 USD, respectively). CONCLUSION: These findings suggest that the majority of women visiting public facilities in Tanzania did not pay informal payments for FP methods or services; however, informal payments at public facilities did occur, varying by facility and method type. Adherence to existing policies mandating free FP methods and services at public facilities, especially government dispensaries, is critical ...

AbstractInformal fees are payments made by patients to their health care provider that are over and above the official cost of services. Payments may be motivated by a combination of factors such as low supervision, weak sanctions, and inadequate provider salaries. The practice of soliciting informal fees from patients may result in restricted access to medical care and reduced care‐seeking behavior among vulnerable populations. The objective of this study is to examine nuanced health care provider perspectives on informal fee payments solicited from reproductive health patients in Kenya. We conducted in‐depth semistructured interviews in 2015–2016 among a sample of 20 public and private‐sector Kenyan health care workers. Interviews were coded and analyzed using an iterative thematic approach. More than half of participants reported that solicitation of informal fees is common practice in health care facilities. Providers reported low public‐sector wages were a primary driver of informal fee solicitation coupled with collusion among senior staff. Additionally, patients may be unaware that they are being asked to pay more than the official cost of services. Strategies for reducing this behavior include more adequate and timely remuneration within the public sector, educating patient populations of free or low‐cost services, and evidence‐based methods to increase provider motivation.

In recent years efforts to reduce HIV transmission have begun to incorporate a structural interventions approach, whereby the social, political, and economic environment in which people live is considered an important determinant of individual behaviors. This approach to HIV prevention is reflected in the growing number of programs designed to address insecure or nonexistent property rights for women living in developing countries. Qualitative and anecdotal evidence suggests that property ownership may allow women to mitigate social, economic, and biological effects of HIV for themselves and others through increased food security and income generation. Even so, the relationship between women's property and inheritance rights (WPIR) and HIV transmission behaviors is not well understood. We explored sources of data that could be used to establish quantitative links between WPIR and HIV. Our search for quantitative evidence included (1) a review of peer-reviewed and "grey" literature reporting on quantitative associations between WPIR and HIV, (2) identification and assessment of existing data sets for their utility in exploring this relationship, and (3) interviews with organizations addressing women's property rights in Kenya and Uganda about the data they collect. We found no quantitative studies linking insecure WPIR to HIV transmission behaviors. Data sets with relevant variables were scarce, and those with both WPIR and HIV variables could only provide superficial evidence of associations. Organizations addressing WPIR in Kenya and Uganda did not collect data that could shed light on the connection between WPIR and HIV, but two had data and community networks that could provide a good foundation for a future study that would include the collection of additional information. Collaboration between groups addressing WPIR and HIV transmission could provide the quantitative evidence needed to determine whether and how a WPIR structural intervention could decrease HIV transmission.

SummaryA job aid is a tool, such as a flowchart or checklist, that makes it easier for staff to carry out tasks by providing quick access to needed information. Many public health organizations are engaged in the production of job aids intended to improve adherence to important medical guidelines and protocols, particularly in resource-constrained countries. However, some evidence suggests that actual use of job aids remains low. One strategy for improving utilization is the introduction of job aids in training workshops. This paper summarizes the results of two separate evaluations conducted in Uganda and the Dominican Republic (DR) which measured the usefulness of a series of four family planning checklists 7–24 months after distribution in training workshops. While more than half of the health care providers used the checklists at least once, utilization rates were sub-optimal. However, the vast majority of those providers who utilized the checklists found them to be very useful in their work.

In the field of international family planning, quality of care as a reproductive right is widely endorsed, yet we lack validated data‐collection instruments that can accurately assess quality in terms of its public health importance. This study, conducted within 19 public and private facilities in Kisumu, Kenya, used the simulated client method to test the validity of three standard data‐collection instruments used in large‐scale facility surveys: provider interviews, client interviews, and observation of client–provider interactions. Results found low specificity and low positive predictive values in each of the three instruments for a number of quality indicators, suggesting that the quality of care provided may be overestimated by traditional methods of measurement. Revised approaches to measuring family planning service quality may be needed to ensure accurate assessment of programs and to better inform quality‐improvement interventions.

AbstractUnmet need for contraception is a widely used but frequently misunderstood indicator. Although calculated from measures of pregnancy intention and current contraceptive use, unmet need is commonly used as a proxy measure for (1) lack of access to contraception and (2) desire to use it. Using data from a survey in Burkina Faso, we examine the extent to which unmet need corresponds with and diverges from these two concepts, calculating sensitivity, specificity, and positive/negative predictive values. Among women assigned conventional unmet need, 67 percent report no desire to use contraception and 61 percent report access to a broad range of affordable contraceptives. Results show unmet need has low sensitivity and specificity in differentiating those who lack access and/or who desire to use a method from those who do not. These findings suggest that unmet need is of limited utility to inform family planning programs and may be leading stakeholders to overestimate the proportion of women in need of expanded family planning services. We conclude that more direct measures are feasible at the population level, rendering the proxy measure of unmet need unnecessary. Where access to and/or desire for contraception are the true outcomes of interest, more direct measures should be used.

AbstractThere is growing consensus in the family planning community around the need for novel measures of autonomy. Existing literature highlights the tension between efforts to pursue contraceptive targets and maximize uptake on the one hand, and efforts to promote quality, person‐centeredness, and contraceptive autonomy on the other hand. Here, we pilot a novel measure of contraceptive autonomy, measuring it at two Health and Demographic Surveillance System sites in Burkina Faso. We conducted a population‐based survey with 3,929 women of reproductive age, testing an array of new survey items within the three subdomains of informed choice, full choice, and free choice. In addition to providing tentative estimates of the prevalence of contraceptive autonomy and its subdomains in our sample of Burkinabè women, we critically examine which parts of the proposed methodology worked well, what challenges/limitations we encountered, and what next steps might be for refining, improving, and validating the indicator. We demonstrate that contraceptive autonomy can be measured at the population level but a number of complex measurement challenges remain. Rather than a final validated tool, we consider this a step on a long road toward a more person‐centered measurement agenda for the global family planning community.