Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Note on Transcription of Asian Names -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: The Puzzle of Chinese Assertiveness -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 The Research Design of This Book -- 1.2.1 Conceptualization of Chinese Assertiveness -- 1.2.2 Elaboration of the Main Hypothesis -- 1.2.3 Elaboration of the Alternative Hypotheses -- 1.2.4 Methodology and Theoretical Considerations -- 1.3 Contributions and Limitations of the Study -- References -- Chapter 2: Chinese Assertive Actions in the South China Sea -- 2.1 Background and History of the South China Sea Dispute -- 2.1.1 Geopolitics and Geoeconomics -- 2.1.2 Legal Context -- 2.1.3 History of the Dispute -- 2.2 Chinese Assertive Policies in the South China Sea -- 2.2.1 The Pre-2011 Period -- 2.2.2 The Period of 2011-2016 -- References -- Chapter 3: A Comprehensive Concept of Power in International Relations -- 3.1 China´s Power: Theoretical and Practical Issues -- 3.2 The Model of Power for Analytical Use in International Relations -- 3.2.1 Defining and Conceptualizing Power -- 3.2.2 Sources of Power in International Relations -- 3.3 Critical Reading of the Literature on China´s Power -- References -- Chapter 4: China´s Sources of Power at the State Level: The Military, Economy, and National Performance -- 4.1 The Military -- 4.1.1 The Military Doctrine and Potential Use of Military Force in the SCS -- 4.1.2 Aggregate Statistical Data -- 4.1.3 Capabilities of Military Forces -- 4.2 The Economy -- 4.3 National Performance -- References -- Chapter 5: China´s International and Societal Levels of Power Sources -- 5.1 The Institutional Setting -- 5.2 Geopolitics -- 5.3 Geo-economics -- 5.4 Soft Power -- 5.5 Legitimacy -- References -- Chapter 6: Theories of Chinese Assertiveness in the South China Sea

Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) had few historical opportunities to interact with China, but with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the 16+1 platform, that changed dramatically in recent years. The article discusses recent development in the China-CEE relations with the aim of explaining why the CEE countries became excited about China initially, but also why this excitement led prevailingly to disappointment. It will be argued that the frustration with the EU in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis created an environment in which China was, for a moment, perceived as a promising alternative. A few years into the new diplomatic initiatives, however, most of the CEE countries started to be unsatisfied with the lack of economic results. Eventually, the article will assess the implications of the new era of China-CEE relations for the EU affairs and broader Chinese relations with the developing world. The CEE region is in a specific position vis-à-vis China, for it is structurally in between the developed and the developing world. Moreover, the EU membership adds some critical features which make the Chinese offer less applicable and appealing.

This textbook introduces the complexity and diversity of China s society, politics, economics, and international affairs. It will be particularly useful for undergraduate level courses in Asian Studies and courses on the history, politics, and international affairs of China and Chinese Studies

The article aims to contribute to our understanding of China's soft power in Europe and the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in this regard. We conduct analyses of two leading newspapers in the United Kingdom, in Spain, and in Poland to discover how the BRI was framed there in the period from mid-2013 to mid-2017. The empirical results show that the media reported about the initiative quite positively – especially compared to the general media picture of China in Europe – and to a considerable extent followed Chinese narratives of economic opportunities while overlooking geopolitical and security worries. Theories of "journalistic routines" and linguistic "affective sticking points" will be suggested as possible explanations of these dynamics, highlighting both the fact that Chinese narratives outnumbered European ones in the initial period quantitatively, and were able to offer something that resonated with the audience qualitatively. (JCCA/GIGA)

Two representative opinion polls conducted in 2020 and 2022 show that the German population supports a more principled China policy. At the same time, two-thirds of respondents identify as the policy priority cooperation with China to solve global challenges - narrowly followed by cyber security and human rights concerns. Although this approach resembles Germany's new China Strategy, the public is not yet convinced that the issue is being effectively addressed. Channeling public support to back concrete action is key for the Germany's China policy.

Germany is considering banning equipment made by Chinese companies like tech giant Huawei - in its 5G mobile infrastructure. A revised 2021 IT Security Act failed to reduce China's 59 percent market share. A representative opinion poll, shows only 30.8 percent of Germans want 5G cooperation with China. Across 11 European countries, skepticism is equal, with only 31.8 percent approval - though this varies greatly from country to country.