Suchergebnisse

Diese Veröffentlichung zeigt, wie machtpolitische Veränderungen in der amerikanischen Gesellschaft die transatlantischen Handelsbeziehungen grundlegend verändern. Wesentlich sind dabei vor allem die Veränderungen innerhalb der Republikanischen Partei. Sogenannte Paleokonservative sind zur handelspolitisch dominierenden Gruppierung geworden und haben die bisherigen Eliten - das sogenannte Establishment bzw. traditionelle Konservative - verdrängt. Die Zwischenwahlen 2018 bestätigten diesen Trend. Die Folge ist, dass der bisherige transatlantische Konsens zerbrochen ist, auf dem die wechselseitigen wohlstandsmehrenden Handelsbeziehungen beruhten.

How can Europe increase its political influence in East Asia? Rather than either diffusing its governance model of European Union integration or choosing a position between conflicting parties based on proximity of values this article suggests that influence grows when East Asians learn from or even emulate European success stories of peaceful conflict resolution and regime transformation. It suggests that the (West) German Ostpolitik or Eastern policy is an example of such a success story. Whether it can be applied to conflicts in East Asia depends on a number of conditions such as timing, governments changing their perspectives on conflict resolution priorities, and tailoring the European conflict resolution template to normative-ontological assumptions on international relations that prevail in Asia.

Die öffentliche Wahrnehmung der Terrorgefahr in Deutschland geht an den tatsächlichen Erfahrungen mit Anschlägen vorbei. ; The public perception of the threat of terrorism in Germany is misguided as it does not reflect the actual experience of terrorist attacks. ; Stand 6.9.2016

Abstract: "How can Europe increase its political influence in East Asia? Rather than either diffusing its governance model of European Union integration or choosing a position between conflicting parties based on proximity of values this article suggests that influence grows when East Asians learn from or even emulate European success stories of peaceful conflict resolution and regime transformation. It suggests that the (West) German Ostpolitik or Eastern policy is an example of such a success story. Whether it can be applied to conflicts in East Asia depends on a number of conditions such as timing, governments changing their perspectives on conflict resolution priorities, and tailoring the European conflict resolution template to normative-ontological assumptions on international relations that prevail in Asia."

Übersicht über die Forschung, warum Bürgerkriege kaum friedlich enden. Auswertung, welche dieser Ursachen auf den Bürgerkrieg in der Ukraine zutreffen ; 4. August 2016

Tensions between the United States and China have grown considerably during the last couple of years. While China bolstered its claims on disputed territories and engaged other states to form regional organizations separate from established Western dominated ones, the United States conducted a "return to Asia", "rebalance" or "pivot" in order to reassure its allied partners. Following these moves policy-makers, think tanks and academics debated opportunities and challenges of new great power relations. This paper seeks to explain the U.S.-China conflict as a result of deeper ontological assumptions and distinct understandings of international relations. Both sides engage primarily in mirror imaging rather than empathizing. For the purpose of this paper mirror imaging is defined as information processing that bases the construction of meaning on one's own, independent assumptions, theories and worldviews. Empathizing by contrast is information processing by using the lens (assumptions, theories, worldviews) of others when making sense of their behavior. Based on its findings the paper concludes that there are alternatives to the ways the conflict is constructed that could facilitate different ways of peaceful change. The paper first evaluates western political perceptions of the China-U.S. relationship. Secondly, it summarizes how western think tanks mapped the conflicts and how they affect American interests. Thirdly, it confronts this map with recent academic scholarship on sources of China's foreign policy written by Asian area studies specialists. Fourthly, it uncovers hidden ontological assumptions and theories of international relations upon which Chinese scholars seem to base their analysis of American foreign policy, contemporary great power relations and policy recommendations for China's foreign policy. Fifthly, the paper shows that these assumptions and theories indeed clearly show up in the recent Chinese academic literature on great power relations. Finally, it concludes that exploiting this finding ...