From rising obesity and soaring health care costs to escalating violence and environmental degradation, contemporary society faces many challenges. Are there policies that are naturally effective in changing the behaviors that produce these problems? In this article, the authors examine some of the roots of socially problematic behavior by taking an evolutionary perspective that considers human nature. They review four insights that an evolutionary approach provides into human behavior. Then they discuss how a deeper understanding of the ancestral roots of modern behavior can provide a fresh perspective for policy makers and public administrators while also providing fertile ground for novel research and applications for altering behavior. The central takeaway is that optimal strategies for changing problematic behaviors require harnessing our deep‐seated ancestral nature rather than ignoring it or working against it.
Why is disgust sensitivity associated with socially conservative political views? Is it because socially conservative ideologies mitigate the risks of infectious disease, whether by promoting out-group avoidance or by reinforcing norms that sustain antipathogenic practices? Or might it be because socially conservative ideologies promote moral standards that advance a long-term, as opposed to a short-term, sexual strategy? Recent attempts to test these two explanations have yielded differing results and conflicting interpretations. Here, we contribute to the literature by examining the relationship between disgust sensitivity and political orientation, political party affiliation, and an often overlooked outcome—actual voter behavior. We focus on voter behavior and affiliation for the 2016 U.S. presidential election to determine whether pathogen or sexual disgust better predicts socially conservative ideology. Although many prominent aspects of Donald Trump's campaign—particularly his anti-foreign message—align with the pathogen-avoidance model of conservatism, we found that pathogen-related disgust sensitivity exerted no influence on political ideology, political party affiliation, or voter behavior, after controlling for sexual disgust sensitivity. In contrast, sexual disgust sensitivity was associated with increased odds of voting for Donald Trump versus each other major presidential candidate, as well as with increased odds of affiliating with the Republican versus the Democratic or Libertarian parties. In fact, for every unit increase in sexual disgust sensitivity, the odds of a participant voting for Trump versus Clinton increased by approximately 30%. It seems, then, that sexual disgust trumps pathogen disgust in predicting socially conservative voting behavior.
AbstractWe introduce the Politics and the Life Sciences Special Issue on Disgust and Political Attitudes discussing the importance of understanding state and trait disgust, the innovative and transparent process by which registered reports and preregistered studies were chosen and funded, and the manuscripts that make up this special issue. This essay concludes by discussing future research directions in disgust and political attitudes, as well as the benefits of a transparent review process that avoids the "file drawer problem" of unpublished null findings.
In: Van Leeuwen , F , Dukes , A , Tybur , J M & Park , J H 2017 , ' Disgust sensitivity relates to moral foundations independent of political ideology ' , Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences , vol. 11 , no. 1 , pp. 92-98 . https://doi.org/10.1037/ebs0000075
Moral judgments seem related to the emotion disgust. Evolutionary considerations might illuminate the psychological processes underlying this relation. Several studies have noted that individuals who are more disgust sensitive condemn moral violations more strongly. However, this association could result from both disgust sensitivity and moral judgment being correlated with political ideology. To clarify the relationship between disgust sensitivity and moral judgment, we analyzed data from multiple published and unpublished datasets that included the Three-Domain Disgust scale, the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, and a measure of ideology (total N = 2,478). Results showed that associations between disgust sensitivity and moral judgment remained when controlling for ideology. Each of the three types of disgust sensitivity uniquely predicted at least one of the five moral foundations. Moral disgust predicted scores for all moral foundations (largest effect for Fairness/reciprocity). Sexual disgust predicted scores for all moral foundations except Fairness/reciprocity (largest effect for Purity/sanctity). Pathogen disgust had small predictive effects for Ingroup/loyalty, Authority/respect, and Purity/sanctity. All effects were positive (i.e., higher levels of disgust sensitivity were associated with greater moral foundation endorsement). These findings suggest specific relations between disgust sensitivity and moral judgment that are not explained by ideology, shedding further light on the functions of disgust and morality.
In: Balliet , D , Tybur , J M , Wu , J , Antonellis , C & Van Lange , P A M 2018 , ' Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation: In-group Favoritism among Republicans and Democrats during a US National Election ' , Journal of conflict resolution , vol. 62 , no. 4 , pp. 797-818 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002716658694
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before (n = 362) and after (n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners' outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis (r =.15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before ( n = 362) and after ( n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners' outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis ( r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before (n = 362) and after (n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners' outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis (r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.
Pathogens, and antipathogen behavioral strategies, affect myriad aspects of human behavior. Recent findings suggest that antipathogen strategies relate to political attitudes, with more ideologically conservative individuals reporting more disgust toward pathogen cues, and with higher parasite stress nations being, on average, more conservative. However, no research has yet adjudicated between two theoretical accounts proposed to explain these relationships between pathogens and politics. We find that national parasite stress and individual disgust sensitivity relate more strongly to adherence to traditional norms than they relate to support for barriers between social groups. These results suggest that the relationship between pathogens and politics reflects intragroup motivations more than intergroup motivations.
In: Tybur , J M , Inbar , Y , Aarøe , L , Barclay , P , Barlowe , F K , De Barra , M , Beckerh , D V , Borovoi , L , Choi , I , Choik , J A , Consedine , N S , Conway , A , Conway , J R , Conway , P , Adoric , V C , Demirci , D E , Fernández , A M , Ferreirat , D C S , Ishii , K , Jakšic , I , Ji , T , Van Leeuwen , F , Lewis , D M G , Li , N P , McIntyre , J C , Mukherjee , S , Park , J H , Pawlowski , B , Petersen , M B , Pizarro , D , Prodromitis , G , Prokop , P , Rantala , M J , Reynolds , L M , Sandin , B , Sevi , B , De Smet , D , Srinivasan , N , Tewari , S , Wilson , C , Yong , J C & Žezelj , I 2016 , ' Parasite stress and pathogen avoidance relate to distinct dimensions of political ideology across 30 nations ' , Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America , vol. 113 , no. 44 , pp. 12408-12413 . https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1607398113
People who are more avoidant of pathogens are more politically conservative, as are nations with greater parasite stress. In the current research, we test two prominent hypotheses that have been proposed as explanations for these relationships. The first, which is an intragroup account, holds that these relationships between pathogens and politics are based on motivations to adhere to local norms, which are sometimes shaped by cultural evolution to have pathogenneutralizing properties. The second, which is an intergroup account, holds that these same relationships are based on motivations to avoid contact with outgroups, who might pose greater infectious disease threats than ingroup members. Results from a study surveying 11,501 participants across 30 nations are more consistent with the intragroup account than with the intergroup account. National parasite stress relates to traditionalism (an aspect of conservatism especially related to adherence to group norms) but not to social dominance orientation (SDO; an aspect of conservatism especially related to endorsements of intergroup barriers and negativity toward ethnic and racial outgroups). Further, individual differences in pathogen-avoidance motives (i.e., disgust sensitivity) relate more strongly to traditionalism than to SDO within the 30 nations.
In: Tybur, Joshua M., Inbar, Yoel, Aaroe, Lene orcid:0000-0003-4551-3750 , Barclay, Pat, Barlow, Fiona Kate orcid:0000-0001-9533-1256 , de Barra, Micheal, Becker, D. Vaughn, Borovoi, Leah, Choi, Incheol, Choi, Jong An, Consedine, Nathan S. orcid:0000-0002-7691-0938 , Conway, Alan, Conway, Jane Rebecca, Conway, Paul, Adoric, Vera Cubela, Demirci, Dilara Ekin, Maria Fernandez, Ana, Ferreira, Diogo Conque Seco, Ishii, Keiko, Jaksic, Ivana, Ji, Tingting, van Leeuwen, Florian orcid:0000-0002-9694-8300 , Lewis, David M. G., Li, Norman P., McIntyre, Jason C., Mukherjee, Sumitava orcid:0000-0002-8445-0492 , Park, Justin H., Pawlowski, Boguslaw orcid:0000-0002-7418-475X , Petersen, Michael Bang orcid:0000-0002-6782-5635 , Pizarro, David, Prodromitis, Gerasimos, Prokop, Pavol orcid:0000-0003-2016-7468 , Rantala, Markus J., Reynolds, Lisa M., Sandin, Bonifacio orcid:0000-0001-7206-6410 , Sevi, Baris orcid:0000-0001-9663-4339 , De Smet, Delphine, Srinivasan, Narayanan orcid:0000-0001-5342-0381 , Tewari, Shruti, Wilson, Cameron, Yong, Jose C. and Zezelj, Iris orcid:0000-0002-9527-1406 (2016). Parasite stress and pathogen avoidance relate to distinct dimensions of political ideology across 30 nations. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U. S. A., 113 (44). S. 12408 - 12414. WASHINGTON: NATL ACAD SCIENCES. ISSN 0027-8424
People who are more avoidant of pathogens are more politically conservative, as are nations with greater parasite stress. In the current research, we test two prominent hypotheses that have been proposed as explanations for these relationships. The first, which is an intragroup account, holds that these relationships between pathogens and politics are based on motivations to adhere to local norms, which are sometimes shaped by cultural evolution to have pathogenneutralizing properties. The second, which is an intergroup account, holds that these same relationships are based on motivations to avoid contact with outgroups, who might pose greater infectious disease threats than ingroup members. Results from a study surveying 11,501 participants across 30 nations are more consistent with the intragroup account than with the intergroup account. National parasite stress relates to traditionalism (an aspect of conservatism especially related to adherence to group norms) but not to social dominance orientation (SDO; an aspect of conservatism especially related to endorsements of intergroup barriers and negativity toward ethnic and racial outgroups). Further, individual differences in pathogen-avoidance motives (i.e., disgust sensitivity) relate more strongly to traditionalism than to SDO within the 30 nations.
In: Tybur , J M , Inbar , Y , Aarøe , L , Barclay , P , Barlow , F K , de Barra , M , Becker , D V , Borovoi , L , Choi , I , Choi , J A , Consedine , N S , Conway , A , Conway , J R , Conway , P , Cubela Adoric , V , Demirci , E , Fernández , A M , Ferreira , D C S , Ishii , K , Jakšić , I , Ji , T , Van Leeuwen , F , Lewis , D M G , Li , N P , McIntyre , J C , Mukherjee , S , Park , J H , Pawlowski , B , Petersen , M B , Pizarro , D , Prodromitis , G , Prokop , P , Rantala , M J , Reynolds , L M , Sandin , B , Sevir , B , de Smet , D , Srinivasan , N , Tewari , S , Wilson , C , Yong , J C & Žeželj , I 2016 , ' Parasite stress and pathogen avoidance relate to distinct dimensions of political ideology across 30 nations ' , Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America , vol. 113 , pp. 12408-12413 . https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1607398113
People who are more avoidant of pathogens are more politically conservative, as are nations with greater parasite stress. In the current research, we test two prominent hypotheses that have been proposed as explanations for the relationship between pathogens and politics. The first, which is an intragroup, traditional norms account, holds that these relationships are based on motivations to adhere to local norms, which are sometimes shaped by cultural evolution to have pathogen neutralizing properties. The second, which is an intergroup, outgroup-avoidance account, holds that relationships between pathogen avoidance and ideology are based on motivations to avoid contact with outgroups (who might pose greater infectious disease threats than ingroup members). Results from a study surveying 11,501 participants across 30 nations are more consistent with the traditional norms account than with the outgroup-avoidance account. National parasite stress relates to traditionalism (an aspect of conservatism especially related to adherence to group norms) but not to social dominance orientation (an aspect of conservatism especially related to endorsements of intergroup barriers and negativity toward ethnic and racial outgroups). Further, individual differences in pathogen-avoidance motives (i.e., disgust sensitivity) relate more strongly to traditionalism than to social dominance orientation within the 30 nations.
In: Klein , R A , Vianello , M , Hasselman , F , Adams , B G , Adams , R B , Alper , S , Aveyard , M , Axt , J R , Babalola , M T , Bahník , Š , Batra , R , Berkics , M , Bernstein , M J , Berry , D R , Bialobrzeska , O , Binan , E D , Bocian , K , Brandt , M J , Busching , R , Rédei , A C , Cai , H , Cambier , F , Cantarero , K , Carmichael , C L , Ceric , F , Chandler , J , Chang , J-H , Chatard , A , Chen , E E , Cheong , W , Cicero , D C , Coen , S , Coleman , J A , Collisson , B , Conway , M A , Corker , K S , Curran , P G , Cushman , F , Dagona , Z K , Dalgar , I , Dalla Rosa , A , Davis , W E , de Bruijn , M , De Schutter , L , Devos , T , de Vries , M , Doğulu , C , Dozo , N , Dukes , K N , Dunham , Y , Durrheim , K , Ebersole , C R , Edlund , J E , Eller , A , English , A S , Finck , C , Frankowska , N , Freyre , M , Friedman , M , Galliani , E M , Gandi , J C , Ghoshal , T , Giessner , S R , Gill , T , Gnambs , T , Gómez , Á , González , R , Graham , J , Grahe , J E , Grahek , I , Green , E G T , Hai , K , Haigh , M , Haines , E L , Hall , M P , Heffernan , M E , Hicks , J A , Houdek , P , Huntsinger , J R , Huynh , H P , Ijzerman , H , Inbar , Y , Innes-ker , Å H , Jiménez-leal , W , John , M , Joy-gaba , J A , Kamiloğlu , R G , Kappes , H B , Karabati , S , Karick , H , Keller , V N , Kende , A , Kervyn , N , Knežević , G , Kovacs , C , Krueger , L E , Kurapov , G , Kurtz , J , Lakens , D , Lazarević , L B , Levitan , C A , Lewis , N A , Lins , S , Lipsey , N P , Losee , J E , Maassen , E , Maitner , A T , Malingumu , W , Mallett , R K , Marotta , S A , Međedović , J , Mena-pacheco , F , Milfont , T L , Morris , W L , Murphy , S C , Myachykov , A , Neave , N , Neijenhuijs , K , Nelson , A J , Neto , F , Lee Nichols , A , Ocampo , A , O'donnell , S L , Oikawa , H , Oikawa , M , Ong , E , Orosz , G , Osowiecka , M , Packard , G , Pérez-sánchez , R , Petrović , B , Pilati , R , Pinter , B , Podesta , L , Pogge , G , Pollmann , M M H , Rutchick , A M , Saavedra , P , Saeri , A K , Salomon , E , Schmidt , K , Schönbrodt , F D , Sekerdej , M B , Sirlopú , D , Skorinko , J L M , Smith , M A , Smith-castro , V , Smolders , K C H J , Sobkow , A , Sowden , W , Spachtholz , P , Srivastava , M , Steiner , T G , Stouten , J , Street , C N H , Sundfelt , O K , Szeto , S , Szumowska , E , Tang , A C W , Tanzer , N , Tear , M J , Theriault , J , Thomae , M , Torres , D , Traczyk , J , Tybur , J M , Ujhelyi , A , Van Aert , R C M , Van Assen , M A L M , Van Der Hulst , M , Van Lange , P A M , Van 't Veer , A E , Vásquez- Echeverría , A , Ann Vaughn , L , Vázquez , A , Vega , L D , Verniers , C , Verschoor , M , Voermans , I P J , Vranka , M A , Welch , C , Wichman , A L , Williams , L A , Wood , M , Woodzicka , J A , Wronska , M K , Young , L , Zelenski , J M , Zhijia , Z & Nosek , B A 2018 , ' Many Labs 2: Investigating Variation in Replicability Across Samples and Settings ' , Advances in Methods and Practices in Psychological Science , vol. 1 , no. 4 , pp. 443-490 . https://doi.org/10.1177/2515245918810225
We conducted preregistered replications of 28 classic and contemporary published findings, with protocols that were peer reviewed in advance, to examine variation in effect magnitudes across samples and settings. Each protocol was administered to approximately half of 125 samples that comprised 15,305 participants from 36 countries and territories. Using the conventional criterion of statistical significance (p < .05), we found that 15 (54%) of the replications provided evidence of a statistically significant effect in the same direction as the original finding. With a strict significance criterion (p < .0001), 14 (50%) of the replications still provided such evidence, a reflection of the extremely high-powered design. Seven (25%) of the replications yielded effect sizes larger than the original ones, and 21 (75%) yielded effect sizes smaller than the original ones. The median comparable Cohen's ds were 0.60 for the original findings and 0.15 for the replications. The effect sizes were small (< 0.20) in 16 of the replications (57%), and 9 effects (32%) were in the direction opposite the direction of the original effect. Across settings, the Q statistic indicated significant heterogeneity in 11 (39%) of the replication effects, and most of those were among the findings with the largest overall effect sizes; only 1 effect that was near zero in the aggregate showed significant heterogeneity according to this measure. Only 1 effect had a tau value greater than .20, an indication of moderate heterogeneity. Eight others had tau values near or slightly above .10, an indication of slight heterogeneity. Moderation tests indicated that very little heterogeneity was attributable to the order in which the tasks were performed or whether the tasks were administered in lab versus online. Exploratory comparisons revealed little heterogeneity between Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) cultures and less WEIRD cultures (i.e., cultures with relatively high and low WEIRDness scores, respectively). Cumulatively, variability in the observed effect sizes was attributable more to the effect being studied than to the sample or setting in which it was studied.