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Abstract
In 19th-century Belgium, cemeteries and burials gave rise to a major conflict between the Catholic Church and different kinds of secular people in Belgium. While these confrontations are quite well known in large urban environments, far less research has been produced about their counterparts in small-town settings. This article studies the options secular people had in those 'backwater' contexts in the province of Antwerp from the first secular burials in the 1860s up to the turn of the century. Following Albert Hirschman's 'voice / exit / loyalty'-scheme, we focus upon the choices that could be made and who could make them within the framework of local power relations. We will show how the particularities of social integration (or the lack thereof) generated the profiles of the individuals best equipped to break with Church-dominated community rituals and help to enforce local funerary policy transformations.

If Belgian freemasonry was a largely unproblematic sociability during the 18th century, it took a completely new direction since future Belgium's annexation to France and the Netherlands at the end of the 18th century and in the first decades of the 19th. A set of new lodges with a largely new, mainly bourgeois membership gradually generated a freemasonry that was increasingly anticlerical and openly political as it was the backbone of the country's liberal party. This article shows that, in its secularizing of its own discourse and practices, the Belgian Grand Orient was at the vanguard of what is commonly called "Latin" freemasonry. However, at the turn of the 20th century, when mass democracy changed the country's institutions and when the first socialist sympathies developed within the lodges, a process of de-politicization was engaged that was more or less completed after World War I. The Belgian masonic configuration then tended to become more fragmented. This process started in the early 20th century and was continued into the early 21th, with debates on the regularity issue and even more with the contesting of the male gender-exclusiveness of the grand lodges by members of mixed or feminine freemasonry. Nevertheless, if the old organizational unity was broken, a relatively benign coexistence was developed. ; Si la masonería belga era una sociabilidad a problemática durante una gran parte del siglo XVII, esta dinámica se transformó a partir de la anexión de Bélgica a Francia y a los Países Bajos a finales del siglo XVIII y durante las primeras décadas del XIX. Un conjunto de nuevas logias con una gran cantidad de nuevos miembros, principalmente burgueses generaron progresivamente una masonería que iba a ser cada vez más anticlerical y políticamente abierta como el núcleo duro del partido liberal del país. En este artículo muestra cómo durante la secularización de sus discursos y prácticas, el Gran Oriente belga estaba a la vanguardia de lo que comúnmente se llamó la masonería "latina". Sin embargo, aprincipios del siglo XX, cuando la democracia de masas cambió la identidad del país y las primeras simpatías socialistas se desarrollaron en las logias, se inició un proceso de despolitización, más o menos completado, después de la Primera Guerra Mundial. La configuración masónica belga entonces tendió a la fragmentación. Este proceso se inició a principios del siglo XX y continuó hasta los inicios del XXI, donde los debates sobre la cuestión de la regularidad y aún más por la impugnación de la exclusividad de género de las grandes logias masculinas por las masonerías mixtas o femeninas. Si bien se rompió la antigua unidad organizativa, sin embargo, se pudo desarrollar una convivencia relativamente benigna.

Félix Bovie fit carrière comme peintre paysagiste avant de se consacrer entièrement à l'écriture de poèmes qui servaient aux chansons interprétées par lui-même. Issu d'un milieu aisé de la capitale belge, il fréquentait des associations bourgeoises comme les loges maçonniques mais aussi des sociabilités badines plus bohémiennes où l'on se moquait de cette même franc-maçonnerie. La production en textes de chansons de Bovie, souvent comparée à celle du chansonnier libéral français Béranger, doit se comprendre dans l'interface de ces sphères, où des thèmes artistiques et grivoises côtoyaient des motifs anticléricaux et des contenus maçonniques bien particuliers. Initié à la loge des Amis Philanthropes, Bovie finit par quitter cet atelier bruxellois pour un autre qui se refusait à politiser la franc-maçonnerie comme le fit le premier. Les chansons maçonniques de Bovie fêtaient donc une franc-maçonnerie spiritualiste, sociable et apolitique mais qui –réagissant contre la condamnation des loges par les évêques belges de 1837–s'avérait néanmoins être franchement anticléricale. ; Felix Bovie first made a career as a landscape painter. Later on however, he completely devoted himself to the writing of poetic texts for songs he interpreted himself as a mid-19th-century singer songwriter. A scion of a wealthy family living in the Belgian capital, he frequented bourgeois associations such as the Masonic lodges but he was also an adept of more bohemian, frolicsome societies who liked to mock Freemasonry as such. The song text production of Bovie, which has often been compared to the one of French liberal singer Béranger, can only be understood in the interface of all those specific spheres. There, artistic and more saucy motives went along definitely anticlerical and particular Masonic themes. Bovie had been accepted by the Amis Philanthropes lodge but eventually left for another Brussels lodge that rejected the politically militant kind of Freemasonry the former advocated. The songs Bovie wrote and performed celebrated a ...

During the French Revolution almost all monasteries and abbeys were suppressed and their possessions seized. Yet after the French Revolution many religious institutes were very successful in re-establishing themselves, sometimes accumulating large patrimonies, against the background of often hostile political forces.This book deals with the question of how the religious orders and congregations rebuilt their patrimony, a necessary prerequisite for the growth of the number of religious, educational and charitable services.The authors discuss the (real or supposed) wealth, the financial structur