Suchergebnisse

Microeconomic policy and the productivity agenda / Nicholas Crafts -- Prosperity and productivity / Martin Weale -- Poverty, inequality and social mobility / Peter Kenway and Jo Blanden -- Employment, worklessness and unemployment / Martin Evans and Susan Harkness -- NHS, health and well-being / John Appleby and Adam Coutts -- Education / Alison Wolf -- Science and technology policy / Jonathan Grant and Joachim Krapels -- Crime and criminal justice : exploring the policy options / Mike Hough and Julian V. Roberts -- Housing / Stephen Nickell -- Economy and environment : tackling Britain's transport problem / Richard Wellings -- Energy, climate change and the environment / Federico Gallo ... [et al.] -- Britain and the world : options for UK foreign and security police / Malcolm Chalmers -- Diversity and extremism / Varun Uberoi and Shamit Saggar -- Communications and media policy / Damian Tambini -- The constitution / Guy Lodge and Roger Gough

AbstractIn this article I use new archival and elite interview data to improve our knowledge of how theCanadian Multiculturalism Actcame into existence. I show why some Canadians began to seek such an act, why political parties promised an act and how this act was created. The evidence in this article will also correct claims that scholars often make about this act and the policy of multiculturalism that it contains. This evidence also improves our knowledge of why the policy of multiculturalism in this legislation does what few scholars would expect. This is because scholars often claim that policies of multiculturalism are used to "repudiate" and remove understandings of a country. But my evidence helps to show why the policy of multiculturalism in this act promotes understandings of a country. Scholars also claim that policies of multiculturalism can be divisive if they are unaccompanied by nation-building policies. But my evidence helps to show why the policy of multiculturalism in this legislation was designed to be a nation-building policy.

Section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms states: 'This Charter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians', and we know surprisingly little about why the Canadian Federal Government agreed to insert it in the Charter and how this occurred. In this article I will use new historical evidence to explain both these things and I proceed in three stages. Firstly, I explain why the Canadian Federal Government agreed to include what became Section 27 in the Canadian Charter. Secondly, I explain how it was actually included. I then conclude the article by explaining why the evidence in it not only explains why and how Section 27 was included in the Charter; it also increases the possibility that a largely unsubstantiated claim made by certain prominent scholars is true. The claim is that the Canadian Federal Government's policy of multiculturalism was used to shape the Canadian national identity.

'Policies of multiculturalism are often criticised for undermining national identities in one of three ways and in this article I suggest why this is questionable and then point to a more plausible relationship between the two. More specifically, I offer a hypothesis which is that policies of multiculturalism change national identities and I argue that this hypothesis is both theoretically plausible and empirically plausible in at least one instance. This argument is made in three stages and in the first of them I explain what I think policies of multiculturalism and national identities are. In the second stage I present my hypothesis and explain why it is theoretically plausible. In the third stage I use new evidence to suggest why my hypothesis is also empirically plausible in at least one instance. In the final stage I show why a sceptic who might doubt whether my hypothesis is plausible in other instances need not do so.'