Suchergebnisse

Die Autoren dieses Beitrags prüfen den nigerianischen Cybercrime Act von 2015 sowie dessen Auswirkungen auf die Informationsfreiheit im Internet im liberal-autoritär regierten Nigeria. Insbesondere untersuchen sie, inwieweit der Charakter der politischen Führung des Landes dazu beiträgt, dass das Gesetz in rechtswidriger Weise angewendet wird mit dem Ziel, die Pressefreiheit zu unterminieren. Die Autoren legen dar, dass sich die Position Nigerias auf der Rangliste der Pressefreiheit im Internet seit Inkrafttreten des Cybercrime Act im Jahr 2015 kontinuierlich verschlechtert hat. Sie plädieren für einen ganzheitlichen demokratischen Ansatz, der von einer untrennbaren Verbindung von ökonomischer und politischer Freiheit ausgeht.

The state, according to Marxian class analysis, is supposed to be an independent and neutral force, standing above all societal forces. Its relations with the society are to maintain order and to treat all sections of the political society on the principles of equity and equality, being a product of a social contract arising from the people. However, the Nigerian state, due to its colonial descent and mission, sowed the seed of disorder by taking side with a section of the society. Determined to leverage one region against another, the state became partisan, exploitative and predatory in character and principle. From the favoured region has emerged a parasitic class, feeding fat on the resources and pains of other regions. Being the beneficiary of state predation, the class has constituted itself into a guardian class for the preservation of the predatory state structure. Consequently, this perceived odious political structure has attracted the concerns of other sections of the country, whose insistence is on having the structure restructured so as to enable each region or zone take its fates into its hands. Four out of the six zones into which the country is divided have lent their support to restructuring, while two (the zones of the parasitic oligarchic class) are in vehement opposition to it. In analogous terms, their opposition is informed by the fear of a parasite losing its host, which corresponds to death. Article DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.33.15731593 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA.

Previous studies have examined the impact of the relationship between international nongovernmental organisations and the military on peacekeeping operations and humanitarian programming. However, how relations between international nongovernmental organisations and military actors affect preventing/countering of violent extremism has not been central to existing debates. By using the qualitative-dominant mixed methods approach, this paper investigates relations between these actors in Northeast Nigeria and argues that the dynamic interactions between international nongovernmental organisations and the military largely breed mistrust and conflict between them. This undermines the capacity of international nongovernmental organisations to prevent/counter violent extremism. The paper concludes that mutual respect for the operational procedures of the military and international nongovernmental organisations in the Northeast is relevant for an enhanced relationship between them and sustainable preventing/countering violent extremism programming in Nigeria and beyond.