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This article aims to describe Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli's thoughts in the context of religious and political relations. How are the differences and similarities, and what is the background for their thinking? The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative, with secondary data sources from various literature in the form of books and journal articles that discuss the political, religious, and state thoughts of the two figures. The results of the analysis reveal that Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli's political, religious, and state thoughts were born as an antithesis to the previous idealistic tendencies of thought. The socio-political situation that developed during their lifetime is one of the causes of these differences in style and significantly influences their thinking. In the context of practical politics, they tend to be rational. Meanwhile, they place religion as an institution that has an essential role as an adhesive element in society. Both of them argue that religion is a social institution that is functional towards the stability of the state.

This article aims to describe Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli's thoughts in the context of religious and political relations. How are the differences and similarities, and what is the background for their thinking? The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative, with secondary data sources from various literature in the form of books and journal articles that discuss the political, religious, and state thoughts of the two figures. The results of the analysis reveal that Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli's political, religious, and state thoughts were born as an antithesis to the previous idealistic tendencies of thought. The socio-political situation that developed during their lifetime is one of the causes of these differences in style and significantly influences their thinking. In the context of practical politics, they tend to be rational. Meanwhile, they place religion as an institution that has an essential role as an adhesive element in society. Both of them argue that religion is a social institution that is functional towards the stability of the state.

The Mongolian Journal of International Affairs; Number 11, 2004, Page 75-88DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i11.108

The purpose of this study is to reveal the current state of Open Science practices by researchers in Japan. Therefore, online questionnaire surveys were conducted in 2016 and 2018. The surveys were conducted on researchers registered in the Network of Science and Technology Experts managed by the National Institute of Science and Technology Policy (NISTEP). The Network is a group consisting of approximately 2,000 specialists such as researchers, engineers, and managers of industry, university, and government, who collect trends and opinions on science and technology.

Adolescents' time spent messaging, exploring websites, and studying on the computer increased between 2003 and 2008. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Child Development Supplement, this study examines how such changes have influenced individual achievement and behavior from childhood to adolescence. Greater communications and Internet web time proved detrimental to vocabulary and reading whereas the increased use of computer games was associated with increased reading and problem‐solving scores, particularly for girls and minority children. Increased use of the computer for studying was associated with increased test scores for girls, but not boys. The consequences are more benign than many feared. Groups that have traditionally used the computer less (girls, minority children) appear to benefit from greater use.

Utilizing social cognitive theory, we suggest that leader influence tactics convey salient social cues to be incorporated into followers' self-efficacy evaluation, which shapes their engagement in organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). We contend that leader soft tactics enhance followers' self-efficacy and thereby foster their OCB, whereas leader hard tactics damage their self-efficacy and ultimately hamper their OCB. Further, we propose that organizational justice functions as a key boundary condition for these contentions, as the fair work environment makes social cues from these tactics salient. To test the hypotheses, we collected the data of 198 supervisor-subordinate dyads from various companies located in South Korea. As expected, soft tactics were positively related to self-efficacy, and their indirect effect on OCB toward individuals (i.e., OCBI) via self-efficacy was positive. In addition, the effect of soft tactics on self-efficacy and the indirect effect of soft tactics on OCBI via self-efficacy were stronger when organizational justice was higher. However, self-efficacy was not significantly related to OCB toward the organization (i.e., OCBO), and the indirect effect of soft tactics on OCBO via self-efficacy was not significant. Notably, hard tactics were not significantly related to self-efficacy, and organizational justice did not moderate this relationship. Further, the proposed indirect and conditional indirect effects of hard tactics were not significant. Overall, our research shows that soft tactics can be powerful tools for leaders to enhance followers' self-efficacy and, ultimately, foster their OCB, especially when organizational justice is established at work.