Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe dissolution of the USSR resulted in massive depopulation of the republics and unprecedented migration flows, including national minorities. Citizens of a once indivisible country were suddenly divided into "those of our kind" (natives) and "outsiders" (national minorities/ immigrants). The latter were often not guaranteed citizenship and were denied basic rights. Many national minorities became forced migrants and refugees, leaving neighbouring states because of discrimination or fearing violence. This article focuses primarily on the interconnection of minority and migration issues, two topics which are often discussed separately. It investigates the interrelation between migration and the minority regimes adopted by Armenia and Belarus, and the extent to which certain policies and rights for national minorities can be meaningfully extended to new migrant minorities. It also asks what lessons can be learnt from the treatment of national minorities as far as future migration legislation is concerned.
Policy Implications


Migrants' participation policy is always based on implicit political models of participation that should always be made explicit and examined before implementation.

There is always a plurality of political preferences, for different models of participation in the migrant population, that should be explored and accommodated.

The number of associations in existence should not be used as an indicator of a strong civil society as much as it is at present.

The working paper provides an up-to-date overview of the fundamental and human rights in education applicable to national minorities and migrants in Europe. It summarises the basic educational rights guaranteed within three different legal frameworks: the international human rights treaties, the Council of Europe and the European Union. The working paper is a reflection on the adequacy of the protection afforded in the field of educational rights to national minorities and migrants in Europe and the need for convergence or distinction between the regimes safeguarding educational rights of migrants and national minorities.

CARIM-East: Creating an Observatory of Migration East of Europe ; The dissolution of the Soviet Union resulted in massive depopulation in the former Soviet republics and unprecedented migration flows, including persons belonging to national minorities. Citizens of a once indivisible country were suddenly divided into "those of our kind" and "outsiders" – natives and national minorities/ immigrants. The latter were often not guaranteed citizenship and they were frequently denied basic rights. A significant percentage of national minorities have thus become forced migrants and refugees, leaving neighbouring states under threat of violence or because of discrimination. The primary interest of this paper rests upon the interconnection of minority and migration issues. It brings together two topics which have usually been discussed apart. The paper aims to investigate the interrelation of the minority regimes adopted by Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine, and migration. It seeks to open up the discussion on the extent to which certain policies and rights for national minorities can be meaningfully extended to new migrant minority groups. It also asks what lessons are to be learnt from the treatment of national minorities as far as future migration legislation is concerned. ; CARIM-East is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

The preservation of linguistic diversity has recently become a major concern to many researchers, politicians and leaders of linguistic communities in Europe. Th e issue of linguistic minorities has taken on a particular urgency because of the increasing recognition of the threat of extinction faced by many minority languages. Th e need for immediate action has become obvious. Europe has slowly but steadily started to come up with responses to how to keep the most vulnerable languages from extinction and guarantee rights to speakers of such languages at the same time. Today we can talk about the emergence of a European minimum standard of protection of language rights as it has developed since the 1990s in the European conventions and their monitoring activities. Th ere is general understanding that three areas of the use of languages – education, administrative aff airs and the media – are determinant for the survival of minority languages. Th e present article focuses on one of such areas, which has revealed to be particularly contentious and a source of everincreasing concern. It investigates the guarantees provided in the Council of Europe's instruments pertaining to the use of minority languages before public authorities, the practical diffi culties and ways of their overcoming in the implementation of the rights enshrined in European treaties.

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU ; Studying and Evaluating the Role of the Media in Migrant Integration: Introductory remarks for the MEDIVA project Europe has experienced important tensions between national majorities and ethnic or religious minorities, more particularly with migrants and their offspring during the past ten years. These tensions largely understood as an ethnic or religious issue have been however exacerbated by the global financial crisis that has hit all EU countries (even if at varying degrees) since 2008. Indeed at these times of economic crisis, rising unemployment and increasing insecurity, non EU citizens who reside in EU countries tend to become the target of xenophobic and racist attitudes. In this context, the question of third country nationals' (TCN) integration becomes all the more pressing to preserve social cohesion and also to help EU societies overcome the crisis. The media have a role to play under these circumstances in promoting policy discourses and media representations that are pro-integration and not immigrant-phobic. The importance of this role is acknowledged by politicians, policy makers, scholars and migrants/minorities themselves. There have been several initiatives initiated by European institutions such as the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), Directorate General for Employment and Social Affairs (DG EMPL), the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), which have aimed at strengthening the capacity of the media to reflect diversity. Several studies have identified best practices and have presented these with a view to raising awareness among media companies and media professionals. Hard facts and figures are needed to assess and plan pro-integration policies and practices. These should be derived from both qualitative and quantitative measurements. Regular and thorough analysis of different aspects of media production can lead to re-balancing of the output in favour of negatively stereotyped immigrant groups. The MEDIVA project adopts this view and capitalizes on the work done so far by combining it with a series of in-depth interviews with senior journalists across six member states (Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, the UK) with a view to understanding better how journalists and other media professionals assess the tools they have so far in dealing with migrant diversity (recruitment/employment conditions, training provided, codes of ethics, knowledge about diversity and how all these are combined in everyday work in news making and programme production). The MEDIVA project will use this added knowledge to create a set of Indicators of Media Capacity to Reflect Diversity and Promote Migrant Integration. This project builds on the existing work but also goes a step further from the studies that exist so far which have generally provided for best practice knowledge, training tool kits and media content analysis but have notyet created a tool for self-/otherassessment and monitoring of the media on reflecting diversity and promoting TCN integration. This paper provides definitions for key terms used in the project, demarcating the field of study and clarifying the project's objectives. ; The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

This timely book casts new light on the key issues arising from the contentious debate around the future of the European Social Model. Marie-Ange Moreau brings together leading experts to provide a thorough and well-informed response to the recent developments in European social and labour law and policy, in the light of institutional changes. The contributing authors provide unique insights as they evaluate the impact of the enlargement processes, the implications of the Lisbon Treaty, the integration of the Charter into EU law and, crucially, the evaluation of the European evolutions in the

Intro -- Language Policy and Conflict Prevention -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Notes on Contributors -- Part 1: Language, Integration of Societies and Conflict Prevention -- 1 Introduction: Shaping Language Policies to Promote Stability -- 2 The HCNM Approach to the Promotion of the State/Official Language in Various OSCE Participating States -- 3 To Speak or Not to Speak: Minority Languages, the Public Administration and the Enforcement of Linguistic Requirements -- 4 Mind Your Own Business: The Oslo Recommendations and the Linguistic Rights of National Minorities in Economic Life -- 5 The Intersection of Language and Religion in the Context of National Minorities -- 6 HCNM Recommendations on the Use of Minority Languages in the Broadcast Media as a Baseline for Context-specific Advice to Participating States -- 7 The HCNM Impact on Minority and State Language Promotion and on the Social Integration of Diverse Societies Through Education: The cases of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan -- Part 2: Language Rights and Evolving Standards and Practice -- 8 Continued Relevance of an 'Oslo' Language Policy in a Changing World -- 9 'The Borders of My Language Mean the Borders of My World'. Language Rights and Their Evolving Significance for Minority Rights and Integration of Societies -- 10 Language Rights in the Work of the Advisory Committee -- 11 The Right to Display Place Names in Regional or Minority Languages within the Council of Europe Legal Framework -- 12 Protection of Linguistic Rights of Linguistic Minorities in the UN Context -- 13 Language Rights and the Work of the European Union -- 14 'Taking Oslo Online': Minority Language Policy & the Internet -- 15 Language Rights and Duties for New Minorities: Integration through Diversity Governance -- Appendix -- Index

The dissolution of the Soviet Union brought to the fore claims of linguistic minorities which had been ignored far too long. In almost all of the former Soviet republics language became an impetus to national revival and an important instrument in consolidating the newly independent states. At times excessively accentuated and overly politicized, the language issue demanded immediate reaction. It was not, therefore, surprising, that almost all of the former Soviet republics rejected to various degrees the legal dogmas which had been created in the Soviet Union and moved towards the weakening of the bonds within the former USSR, the lowering of the status of the Russian language as a symbol of long-term oppression and, as a consequence, the strengthening of the position of the titular language. Belarus has somewhat stood aloof in the process. With Russian being the de facto main language, and Belarusian playing largely a symbolic function, the position of other languages spoken by minority groups residing within the territory of Belarus seems indeed precarious. The present paper seeks to identify the main tendencies in the development of language legislation in the area of education, which has traditionally been considered as determinant for the survival of the language, in Belarus. It investigates the place of the Belarusian legislation in the field of education reserved for the language rights of the titular nation and those of national minorities. (ECMI)

The dissolution of the Soviet Union brought to the fore claims of linguistic minorities which had been ignored far too long. In almost all of the former Soviet republics language became an impetus to national revival and an important instrument in consolidating the newly independent states. At times excessively accentuated and overly politicized, the language issue demanded immediate reaction. It was not, therefore, surprising, that almost all of the former Soviet republics rejected to various degrees the legal dogmas which had been created in the Soviet Union and moved towards the weakening of the bonds within the former USSR, the lowering of the status of the Russian language as a symbol of long-term oppression and, as a consequence, the strengthening of the position of the titular language. Belarus has somewhat stood aloof in the process. With Russian being the de facto main language, and Belarusian playing largely a symbolic function, the position of other languages spoken by minority groups residing within the territory of Belarus seems indeed precarious. The present paper seeks to identify the main tendencies in the development of language legislation in the area of education, which has traditionally been considered as determinant for the survival of the language, in Belarus. It investigates the place of the Belarusian legislation in the field of education reserved for the language rights of the titular nation and those of national minorities. (ECMI)

This article provides a summary of activities of the osce High Commissioner on National Minorities during 2014. The basic philosophy behind the institution's approach to conflict prevention remains unchanged: a society at peace with itself will more likely be at peace with its neighbours. To achieve this internal stability, respect for the rights of persons belonging to national minorities is essential. The year 2014 was challenging for the High Commissioner who, together with other osce Institutions and structures, faced the challenge of reacting to the rapidly evolving crisis situation in Ukraine. This topic dominated others in the institution's work. Despite this, the High Commissioner continued to engage across the full breadth of her geographic and thematic portfolio. She personally undertook official country visits to twelve participating states, several more than once. During these visits, she promoted her unique approach to conflict prevention—the integration of society with respect for the rights of national minorities.

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU ; This report was first published in November 2011. This is a revised version, prepared in February 2012. ; This thematic report provides a comprehensive critical discussion about the ways in which the production of migration related news takes place and the special factors that affect it. Drawing on the literature on the subject as well as on the analysis of the sixty-eight interviews conducted with journalists and media professionals from six European countries: Italy, Poland, Ireland, Great Britain, Greece and the Netherlands, we argue in favour of a fair and balanced portrayal of migrants in the media and also highlight the current tendencies in news-making and programme production practices adopted in the outlets in the six European countries under examination pointing to positive features as well as shortcomings. ; The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute. ; 1. Introduction 2 2. Definitions 3 3. State of the Art: News Making and Production Practices vis-à-vis Migrants Representation in European Media 5 4. Analysing the Fieldwork Findings in Six E.U Countries 10 4.1 Definition of Migration News 10 4.2 Migrants News: Perspectives of Coverage 12 4.3 Political Agenda and Migrant News. Migration News out of Political Agenda 14 4.4 Migration News and Sources 16 4.5 Migration News and Language 18 5. Concluding Remarks 19 6. Bibliography 21 7. ANNEX 25 List of Interviews 25