Suchergebnisse

The package of neoliberal reforms involving three main components namely democratization, market liberalization, and the creation of good governance, has often adopted by a number of developing countries in order to overcome their prolonged political and economic crises. The policies which are often promoted by international donor agencies have been expected to streamline the transformation processes in the developing countries to establish a more powerful, well established and stable countries in economics and politics. However, experiences in developing countries actually showed the opposite trends, where the concept of market structure strengthening and the reduction of state authority in the public sector have often resulted in the widening loopholes and opportunities for more systematic and structured corruption practices.In addition, the democratization agenda has also often facilitated the old groups of interests to get back to control of the reformed political system leading to the symptoms of neo-patrimonialism in the process of democratic transition. The impact of these symptoms is the anti-corruption agenda inclines to become more vulnerable to manipulation, intervention, and political pressures. To eliminate such trends, it needs the presence of strong leadership factor backed up by an established surveillance system in order to encourage the 'rule of law' as the supreme commander in the transformation and democratic transitional processes which are usually haunted by various turbulences. This article completely uses a literature approach by analysing secondary data from books and journals in order to look at the dynamics and theoretical debates on pros and cons of the implementation of neo-liberal policies for developing countries' anti-corruption agenda.

The revitalization of religion function —that some people think— is an effective instrument to fight the cancer of corruption and also the implementation of democratization and liberalization of the market. Value systems, moral teachings and spirituality in religion are considered to be opposite of the corruption characters growing in the contemporary society. The more religiosity of a society leads to the expectation for the lower corruption. However, according to the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) data, we will exactly find a tendency of paradoxical phenomena. For example, in the context of Islamic countries, the high of influence for the Muslims belief to their religion is not directly proportional to the commitment of the corruption eradication in the Muslim populized countries mostly. This phenomenon deserves to be shared reflection, to find the answers of classic questions; why does corruption tend becoming habit of Muslim community who are uphold moral principles and integrity in social life and state? It causes this article to discuss the relationship between religion and corruption in general, and also to elaborate it by dealing with the experience of Islamic countries

A centralistic government model has become a trend in a number of developing countries, in which the ideosycretic aspect becomes pivotal key in the policy making. The situation constitutes authoritarianism, cronyism, and corruption. To break the impasse, the decentralized system is proposed to make people closer to the public policy making. Decentralization is also convinced to be the solution to create a good governance. But a number of facts in the developing countries demonstrates that decentralization indeed has ignite emerges backfires such as decentralized corruption, parochialism, horizontal conflict, local political instability and others. This article elaborates the theoretical framework on decentralization's ouput as the a double-edge knife. In a simple words, the concept of decentralization does not have a permanent relationship with the creation of good governance and development. Without substantive democracy, decentralization is indeed potential to be a destructive political instrument threating the state's future.

The establishment of Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is as a crucial instrument for fighting systemic corruption and improving public integrity. However, corrupt forces in post‐Soeharto Indonesia found opportunities to develop powerful coalitions built on the legacy of pre‐reform power relationships. This article examines the extent to which the KPK's initiatives have been impeded by these vested interests. By examining two major cases involving conflicts against senior law enforcement officers – we identify some of the conditions where vested interests have exerted a significant influence in resisting anti‐corruption efforts. Their greatest impact occurred when their attempts to exploit KPK's institutional weaknesses occurred in a permissive environment where political stakeholders were indecisive or unassertive. The fragmentation within civil society and independent media also seriously undermined on the capacity of anti‐graft supporters to hold corrupt official to account in Indonesia.

The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political Islam"s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties" political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world.

The mapping of political affiliation is important to capture the power direction and its characteristics in the future. Generally, the mass political orientation in Indonesia is not much different than what was outlined by Clifford Geertz in his master piece entitled The Religion of Java. The concept of 'trikotomi' consisting of the Santri, Abangan, and Priyayi, which over the past five decades has been the fundamentally critiqued by various parties. Numerous weak points and fallacy of conceptual framwork then become the entrance to reconceptualize the Indonesian people political orientation. However, the work of Geertz's initial approach should be appreciated as a brilliant in understanding the Indonesian political behavior. With the critical approaches, the Geertz's approaches will again be utilized to mapthe direction of community in the contemporary Indonesian political orientation. ; Pemetaan a filiasi politik masyarakat adalah penting untuk memahami arah dan karakter kekuasaan di masa mendatang. Orientasi politik massa di Indonesia secara general tidak jauh berbeda dengan apa yang digariskan oleh Clifford Geertz dalam karya master piece-nya bertajuk The Religion of Java. Konsep trikotomi yang terdiri atas Santri, Abangan dan Priyayi itu, selama lima dekade terakhir ini telah menjadi arena pembantaian tesis Geertz. Beragam titik lemah dan kekeliruan konseptual karya ini menjadi pintu masuk untuk kembali merekonstruksikan konsep orientasi politik masyarakat Indonesia. Kendati demikian, karya Geertz ini patut diapresiasi sebagai pendekatan awal yang brilian dalam memahami perilaku politik bangsa Indonesia. Dengan pendekatan kritis, napak tilas inteletual Geertz ini akan kembali dimanfaatkan untuk memetakan arah afiliasi politik masyarakat Indonesia kontemporer.