Suchergebnisse

Elusive Reform explores one of the Latin American countries' biggest challenges: establishing a rule of law. Based on a close examination of historical patterns, it demonstrates how executive power and judicial disarray thwart progress toward judicial independence, state accountability, and citizen access to effective means of conflict resolution. Ungar critiques the wide spectrum of agencies responsible for enforcing the law, from the police and prisons to provincial governors, the attorney general, and the judiciary itself. He similarly analyzes the region's most recent reform innovations, among them judicial councils, national ombudsmen, and community justice forums. Although his focus is on Argentina and Venezuela, he presents valuable material on other Latin American countries, particularly Bolivia. Exposing many overlooked vulnerabilities of Latin America's democratic institutions, Elusive Reform broadens our understanding of democracy itself

"Acknowledgements" -- "Contents" -- "Contributors" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Chapter 1 Introduction: The Evolution of Environmental Enforcement " -- "Abstract " -- "The Advent of Environmental Enforcement: Ten Advances" -- "Ten Challenges" -- "The Book's Plan: A New Vision" -- "References" -- "Chapter 2 Amazonia, Organized Crime and Illegal Deforestation: Best Practices for the Protection of the Brazilian Amazon " -- "Abstract " -- "Introduction" -- "Illegal Deforestation as a Branch of Organized Crime" -- "Best Practices in Brazil in the Fight Against Illegal Deforestation" -- "Sustainable Forest Management in the Brazilian Amazon" -- "Systems to Control of Timber and Mining Activities: SisDOF, Cadastro Mineiro, and SIGMINE" -- "Systems of Official Monitoring of Burning and Deforestation" -- "Use of Geo-Intelligence and the GAGeo Project of the Federal Police" -- "Special Operations Against Illegal Deforestation in the Amazonas" -- "Conclusion" -- "Bibliography" -- "Chapter 3 Deforestation in the Bolivian Amazon: The Case of the El Choré Forest Reserve in Santa Cruz Department " -- "Abstract " -- "The Context" -- "The Background: The Bohan Plan and the March to the East of Bolivia" -- "Deforestation in the Bolivian Amazon: The Case of Santa Cruz" -- "Case Study of the Environmental Threat in Santa Cruz: The El Choré Forest Reserve" -- "References" -- "Chapter 4 Peru: A Legal Enforcement Model for the Amazon " -- "Abstract " -- "Introduction" -- "Peru's Legal Foundation of Environmental Protection in the Amazon" -- "OEFA and Environmental Protection" -- "Principal Problems in the Amazon: OEFA's Actions and EIE Oversight" -- "Environmental Control of Companies" -- "Conclusions and Challenges for Environmental Enforcement in the Amazon" -- "Bibliography" -- "Chapter 5 Ecuador: Rainforest Under Siege " -- "Abstract

Latin America's crime rates are astonishing by any standard--the region's homicide rate is the world's highest. This crisis continually traps governments between the need for comprehensive reform and the public demand for immediate action, usually meaning iron-fisted police tactics harking back to the repressive pre-1980s dictatorships. In Policing Democracy, Mark Ungar situates Latin America at a crossroads between its longstanding form of reactive policing and a problem-oriented approach based on prevention and citizen participation. Drawing on extensive case studies from Argentina, Bolivia, and Honduras, he reviews the full spectrum of areas needing reform: criminal law, policing, investigation, trial practices, and incarceration. Finally, Policing Democracy probes democratic politics, power relations, and regional disparities of security and reform to establish a framework for understanding the crisis and moving beyond it.

To explain the high rates of violence in Central America's Northern Triangle, this article argues that it is rooted in an armed arena comprised of state and nonstate actors with roles in security, ranging from the military to organized crime. In this space of collaboration, those actors bring resources and reap rewards, strengthening their relationships in the process. Of the many activities within the armed arena, one of the most destructive is the trafficking of firearms. Based on fieldwork in Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, this article focuses on two sets of relationships that demonstrate the armed arena's strength. The first set is the area of criminal justice, centered on investigations, ballistics, inventories, and destruction of arms. The second is the arms market: regional trafficking, internal arms sales, and the state's licensing system. Evaluating governmental responses, the final section shows that arms control policies are most effective when they target and disrupt these relationships. ResumenPara explicar las tasas altas de violencia letal altas en el Triángulo Norte de América Central, este artículo sostiene que está arraigado en lo que conceptualiza como una "arena armada": la red de actores estatales y no estatales con roles de seguridad, desde el ejército hasta el crimen organizado. En este espacio de colaboración, esos actores aportan recursos y obtienen recompensas, fortaleciendo sus relaciones en el proceso. De las muchas actividades dentro de esta arena, una de las más destructivas es el tráfico de armas de fuego. Basado en investigaciones en Honduras, Guatemala y El Salvador, el artículo se enfoca en dos conjuntos de relaciones que demuestran la fuerza de la arena armada. El primer es la justicia penal, centrada en investigaciones, balística, inventarios y destrucción de armas. El segundo es el mercado de armas: el tráfico regional, el negocio interno, y el sistema estatal de licencias. Evaluando las respuestas gubernamentales, la sección final muestra que las políticas contra el tráfico de armas son más efectivas cuando apuntan e interrumpen estas relaciones.

Why does Latin America struggle to implement even its increasingly strong and broadly supported environmental polices? To answer that question, this article examines the primary tool of enforcement, environmental prosecution, one of the region's newest and most‐innovative developments in policy and institutional reform. It creates an analytical framework that explains how the two pillars of prosecution, the state and the law, are also its two main weaknesses. Within the state, it examines deficiencies in investigation and resources. Within the law, it focuses on the lack of clarity in laws and in policy regulations that support them. Together, these common and inherent policy challenges make it difficult for governments throughout Latin America to halt crimes such as illegal deforestation, mining, and road building. The article develops a way to understand comparatively how ably policies are supported in practice. Empirically, it draws on five years of fieldwork in the region's two main tropical areas, Central America and the Amazon Basin. In addition to its concrete policy assessments and recommendations, the article brings a new dimension to the study of the state in Latin America and to the field of criminology.

¿Por qué fracasan muchas políticas criminales en las democracias latinoamericanas? Este artículo muestra que es difícil de desarraigar la criminalidad porque es un elemento al centro del desarrollo del estado y el régimen democrático. Específicamente, es parte de las tres redes principales de los proveedores de seguridad: el poder ejecutivo; el sistema de justicia criminal; y la red de grupos armos no estatales. Las relaciones dentro de y entre estas redes reflejan sus intereses y poderes en vez de la seguridad pública, entorpeciendo las políticas de seguridad desde el principio. Se aplica este aná- lisis en dos áreas principales de seguridad pública. Uno es contra un bien (como las drogas) que una fuente de actividad ilegal; su caso de estudio es el tráfico de armas de fuego. Otra dimensión es la rama de políticas de seguridad nacional, desde la mano dura hasta la policía comunitaria. El caso del estudio es Honduras, un país que ha sufrido de todos los problemas de seguridad – con políticas de seguridad que han fracasado por 15 años, antes de que se cambiara su foco en las redes de criminalidad. ; Why do so many security policies fail in Latin America? This article shows that it is difficult to uproot criminality because it is an inherent part of the development of both states and democratic regimes. More specifically, it is part of the three main networks of security providers: the executive branch; the criminal justice system; and the sector of armed non-state entities. Relations within and between these three networks reflect their own interests and powers rather than public security, undermining policy from the beginning. This article will apply this analytical framework to two principal dimensions of public security in Latin America. One is of illegally trafficked goods, such as narcotics; the specific case study here is of the trafficking of firearms. The second dimension is the set of security policies in a country, which range from iron fist crackdowns to community policing. The case study is Honduras, which has endured nearly every security problem that afflicts the region, responding with policies that failed for 15 years until they began to shift attention toward the networks of criminality that were obstructing them. ; Porquê fracassam muitas políticas criminais nas democracias latino-americanas? Este artigo mostra que é difícil de desarraigar a criminalidade porque é um elemento ao centro do desenvolvimento do estado e o regime democrático. Especificamente, é parte das três redes principais dos fornecedores de segurança: o poder executivo; o sistema de justiça criminal; e a rede de grupos armados não estatais. As relações dentro de e entre estas redes refletem os seus interesses e poderes em vez da insegurança pública, entorpecendo as políticas de segurança desde o princípio. Aplica-se esta análise em duas áreas principais de segurança pública. Um é contra um bem (como as drogas) que uma fonte de atividade ilegal; o seu caso de estudo é o tráfico de armas de fogo. Outra dimensão é a rama de políticas de segurança nacional, desde a mão dura até a polícia comunitária. O caso do estudo é a Honduras, um país que tem sofrido de todos os problemas de segurança com políticas de segurança que tem fracassado por 15 anos, antes de que se mudara o seu foco nas redes de criminalidade.

¿Por qué fracasan muchas políticas criminales en las democracias latinoamericanas? Este artículo muestra que es difícil de desarraigar la criminalidad porque es un elemento al centro del desarrollo del estado y el régimen democrático. Específicamente, es parte de las tres redes principales de los proveedores de seguridad: el poder ejecutivo; el sistema de justicia criminal; y la red de grupos armos no estatales. Las relaciones dentro de y entre estas redes reflejan sus intereses y poderes en vez de la seguridad pública, entorpeciendo las políticas de seguridad desde el principio. Se aplica este aná- lisis en dos áreas principales de seguridad pública. Uno es contra un bien (como las drogas) que una fuente de actividad ilegal; su caso de estudio es el tráfico de armas de fuego. Otra dimensión es la rama de políticas de seguridad nacional, desde la mano dura hasta la policía comunitaria. El caso del estudio es Honduras, un país que ha sufrido de todos los problemas de seguridad – con políticas de seguridad que han fracasado por 15 años, antes de que se cambiara su foco en las redes de criminalidad. ; Porquê fracassam muitas políticas criminais nas democracias latino-americanas? Este artigo mostra que é difícil de desarraigar a criminalidade porque é um elemento ao centro do desenvolvimento do estado e o regime democrático. Especificamente, é parte das três redes principais dos fornecedores de segurança: o poder executivo; o sistema de justiça criminal; e a rede de grupos armados não estatais. As relações dentro de e entre estas redes refletem os seus interesses e poderes em vez da insegurança pública, entorpecendo as políticas de segurança desde o princípio. Aplica-se esta análise em duas áreas principais de segurança pública. Um é contra um bem (como as drogas) que uma fonte de atividade ilegal; o seu caso de estudo é o tráfico de armas de fogo. Outra dimensão é a rama de políticas de segurança nacional, desde a mão dura até a polícia comunitária. O caso do estudo é a Honduras, um país que tem sofrido de todos os problemas de segurança com políticas de segurança que tem fracassado por 15 anos, antes de que se mudara o seu foco nas redes de criminalidade. ; Why do so many security policies fail in Latin America? This article shows that it is difficult to uproot criminality because it is an inherent part of the development of both states and democratic regimes. More specifically, it is part of the three main networks of security providers: the executive branch; the criminal justice system; and the sector of armed non-state entities. Relations within and between these three networks reflect their own interests and powers rather than public security, undermining policy from the beginning. This article will apply this analytical framework to two principal dimensions of public security in Latin America. One is of illegally trafficked goods, such as narcotics; the specific case study here is of the trafficking of firearms. The second dimension is the set of security policies in a country, which range from iron fist crackdowns to community policing. The case study is Honduras, which has endured nearly every security problem that afflicts the region, responding with policies that failed for 15 years until they began to shift attention toward the networks of criminality that were obstructing them.