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The purpose of this paper is to examine epistemological connections between the words used by psychologists, the way words influence what methodology we use, and how methods influence our beliefs about causality and construct phenomena regarded a psychological "facts." These processes are considered in terms of a personal and historical perspective gained from nearly forty years of studying the psychology of women and gender. This paper focuses the history of the distinction between "sex" and "gender" and the continued attention of researchers to the question of whether sex/gender differences exist. It argues that the issue continues to be researched because of the relative absence of sociostructural variables such as status and power from most psychological discourse and the current empirical focus of many feminist psychologists in the United States. I also argue that lack of attention to epistemology and to the connection between politics and scholarship has led to a definition of the psychology of women and/or gender that no longer attends to feminist theory and to a decline in socially activist scholarship. Women and men cannot be studied in isolation from other social constructions such as race/ethnicity, social class, sexual diversity, and cultural difference. Such synthesis will be difficult without a return to concerns about epistemology and question generation that are rarely addressed in U. S. feminist psychology today ; El propósito de este artículo es analizar las conexiones epistemológicas entre las palabras utilizadas por los psicólogos, la forma en que las palabras influyen en la metodología que usamos, y cómo los métodos influyen en nuestras creencias sobre la causalidad y los fenó-menos entendidos como "hechos" psicológicos. Estos procesos son considerados en términos de una perspectiva personal e histórica obtenida a través de casi cuarenta años de estudio de la psicología de las mujeres y del género. Este artículo se centra en la historia de la dis-tinción entre "sexo" y "género" y la atención continuada de los investigadores sobre la cues-tión de si las diferencias de sexo/género existen. Afirmo que el tema sigue siendo investi-gado debido a la relativa ausencia de variables socio-estructurales tales como el estatus o el poder en la mayoría del discurso psicológico y en la atención empírica actual de muchas psicólogas feministas en Estados Unidos. También afirmo que la falta de atención hacia la epistemología y hacia la conexión entre política y academia ha llevado a una definición de la psicología de las mujeres y/o del género que ya no atiende a la teoría feminista y a un declive de la academia socialmente activista. Mujeres y varones no pueden ser estudiados de forma aislada de otras construcciones sociales tales como raza/etnicidad, clase social, diversidad sexual, y diferencia cultural. Tal síntesis será difícil sin un retorno a las preocu-paciones sobre la epistemología y sobre la generación de preguntas que apenas son aborda-das en la psicología feminista estadounidense actual

This study looked at responses to the Iraq War in a nationwide sample of college students. The study focused mainly on the role of sex, religiosity, and the location of the school in a "red" or "blue" state. It also looked at a number of other psychological variables, including some related to cognitive competence. Support for the war was measured by an instrument comprising two independent factors—"patriotic militancy" and "internationalism." As expected, support for the war in Iraq was significantly higher among students who considered themselves religiously involved than among students who rated themselves as more secular. Predicted sex differences in attitudes about the war were not found. However, several measures of cognitive competence including grade point average were significantly associated with less favorable attitudes toward the war. As expected from the election results later that year, students from "red" states were more supportive of the war than students from "blue" states. However, these effects appear to be due to a confound between religious affiliation and religiosity. The results are explained in terms of political rhetoric that focused on religious values as well as on the reduced importance of feminism as an ideological stance. They are discussed in terms of the need for a more social psychological analysis of political attitudes and behaviors that takes into account contextual factors and the transformation of demographic categories into meaningful psychological variables.

This study looked at responses to the Iraq War in a nationwide sample of college students. The study focused mainly on the role of sex, religiosity, & the location of the school in a "red" or "blue" state. It also looked at a number of other psychological variables, including some related to cognitive competence. Support for the war was measured by an instrument comprising two independent factors -- "patriotic militancy" & "internationalism." As expected, support for the war in Iraq was significantly higher among students who considered themselves religiously involved than among students who rated themselves as more secular. Predicted sex differences in attitudes about the war were not found. However, several measures of cognitive competence including grade point average were significantly associated with less favorable attitudes toward the war. As expected from the election results later that year, students from "red" states were more supportive of the war than students from "blue" states. However, these effects appear to be due to a confound between religious affiliation & religiosity. The results are explained in terms of political rhetoric that focused on religious values as well as on the reduced importance of feminism as an ideological stance. They are discussed in terms of the need for a more social psychological analysis of political attitudes & behaviors that takes into account contextual factors & the transformation of demographic categories into meaningful psychological variables. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

This article looks at three measuring instruments—the Right‐Wing Authoritarianism Scale, the Social Dominance Orientation Scale, and the Attitudes About Reality Scale—used to examine covert ideology and its relationship to social and political beliefs and behaviors. These scales share similar ideological components involving abdication of moral responsibility to an outside agent, belief that one's own ideology represents the only form of truth, and negative beliefs about individuals who are not members of one's own group. Evidence is provided to suggest that radical fundamentalists and some groups within U.S. society share ideological beliefs that differ in degree rather than kind. These beliefs make it easy for them to divide the world into "us" and "them" and exacerbate the present conflict.

Scholarship about women and gender in the US is marked by controversies about sex differences; and there is little rapprochement between groups of researchers with different epistemological assumptions. It is argued that empirical investigation of personal epistemology has important implications for feminist scholarship. Following findings of no reliable sex differences in personal epistemology, cross-cultural research showed important interactions between sex and religiosity. This suggests that in order to be able to make statements about the relative importance of sex/gender in predicting behavior, feminist researchers need to subject a wider range of variables to multiple comparisons.