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The aim of this article is to analyze Polish foreign policy, its nature and instruments of implementation under the migration crisis. The migration issue is in this case the determinant of foreign policy, which verified and actuated Polish external policies in the bilateral relations, as well as in the framework of multilateral cooperation. The migration issue has also become a determinant of European policy of Poland prejudging the extent and mechanisms of Polish involvement in the solution of the migration crisis in European institutions. It should be noted that a different approach to EU policies and its activities to prevent and mitigate the effects of the influx of people on its territory is reflected in the relations between Member States, as exemplified by the Polish-German relations. The migration issue is also reflected in the activities of the Visegrad Group. Fear of the consequences of mass migration into the EU and, above all, opposition to the obligation to accept refugees based on the quota system proposed by the European Commission intensified cooperation within the Visegrad Group. From the Polish foreign policy perspective, the Visegrad Group is seen as an important entity influencing its effects.

The article is based on the analysis of changes in voter turnout from 2000 to 2015. It considers all types of election, including presidential, parliamentary, local, and European parliament one within the territory of West Pomerania, detailing the municipal district of Szczecin; Police District, with Dobra (Szczecińska) commune, Kołbaskowo and Police; and Stargard District, with Kobylanka commune. Focusing exactly on this area is no coincidence and closely relates to the mobility of people. The analysis enabled the formulation of the following hypothesis: communes neighbouring cities attract politically conscious human potential; and the attempt at answering the research question referring to the observed phenomenon: whether the suburbanisation in Szczecin and neighbouring communes is a fact.

For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.

The development of the civil society in Poland post-1989 has put the LGBT movement on the map of the country's social landscape. As a corollary, it has also led to a greater social engagement of the non-heterosexual community striving for recognition of its demands. The establishment of the Campaign Against Homophobia (KPH) and the spread of the Internet in Poland have raised the Polish society's awareness of the LGBT movement and made it part of the country's political discourse. On the other hand, the perceived threat to the established conservative values of the Polish society has galvanised the opponents of the non-heterosexual community and its demands. The resulting dispute between the supporters and opponents of the LGBT movement and its professed ideas has placed the issue on the agenda of the Polish political parties.

This article addresses the problem of the EP's role in the process of multi-level governance illustrated with the example of EU expansion policy through the accession of the West Balkan states. As an effect of the European integration process, resulting in the transfer of decision-making competences from the state level to the transnational level, nation-states have lost their monopolistic position in the European decision-making process. This has enabled the formation of multi-level political system within the EU. Within the system, there is a multi-level governance model, with the EP as its crucial element. This article reveals an important role of the EP as a transnational decision-making centre, which with its specific competences (giving consent to the accession of a country to the EU, giving consent to sign international agreements crucial for the integration process, budget rights, co-decisions on the form of the EU law with an ordinary law making procedure) considerably forms the policy of the EU in relation to the Balkan countries. The explanation of the policy's functioning and its outcomes are based on the concept of multi-level governance, which is analyzed herein in depth.

The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions. The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions.

Scottish Independence Referendum will take place on 18 September 2014. There would be only one question during referendum: "Should Scotland be an independent country? The reform of devolution established by Scotland Act 2012 is sometimes overlooked by observers as too little too late. The most principal issues of the referendum will be: economy, oil resources, currency, defense and European Union. Main doubt around referendum is whether Scotland would be better economically after Independence. Scotland's position within the EU is likely to be shaped more by any agreements between the parties than by pre-existing principles of EU law. Doubts about Scottish membership in the EU have to be viewed in the context of the referendum on the UK's membership in the European Union, that will take place if the Conservative Party wins the 2015. British political class have always behaved differently towards the European integration than continental elites The importance of the European dimension of the Scottish Independence Referendum was proved by Panelbase poll in May 2013.

In the new, post-Cold War reality Polish foreign policy faced challenges stemming from the need to set targets that would reflect the interests of Poland, as well as take into account the changes in the international environment. Gradually, the assumptions and directions of foreign policy were rebuilt, with an aim to ensure the safety of the country in both internal and external dimension, to provide the territorial integrity, strengthen the sovereignty and create optimal conditions for the development of the state and society. After 1989, as a consequence of the concentration of efforts of Polish diplomacy on the implementation of strategic directions of foreign policy, others had a secondary meaning. Polish vital interests were located in the Euro-Atlantic area, in the immediate vicinity, as well as in Central and Eastern Europe, which is why in the first place all strengths and resources were engaged there in order to implement the strategic tasks of foreign policy; the Western Balkans remained on the sidelines, in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, this did not mean the total marginalization of the post- -Yugoslav region, and the perception of the events associated with the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation as not directly, but only indirectly connected with Polish interests.

German Neo-Nazi groups have not stopped their Anti-Polish activity yet. They still, in the first place, come with revisionist objectives, not matter how Cold-War-or Polish-People's- Republic-propaganda-like it can sound. The activity of the structures would not be possible without ideological backup. And so the Neo-Nazi 'white collars' determine the directions of the actions. One of such projects is Metapedia, a Neo-Nazi Wikipedia in which one can find many, shocking for us, information on Poland and the Poles. We cannot ignore it since, despite historic events, the 21st century Neo-Nazism has also many supports in our country.

Russian authorities have for years been proclaiming that in order to ensure energy security and to increase their economic presence in North-East Asia their priority is to diversify gas export and to increase cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region. Despite frequent meetings at interstate and business levels, and numerous formal – but no binding – agreements, no tangible progress in this regard has yet been made. This paper argues, from a game-theoretic perspective, that peril for Russian geopolitical and economic interests ensuing from both inception of EU energy policy and evolution of the European gas market has been one of the factors hindering Russian plans of eastbound gas export diversification.

State social policy should take into account the subsidiary nature of assistance from public authorities in relation to the activity of the interested parties in their efforts to find and pursue work. Social assistance supports individuals and families in their efforts to meet the necessary needs and enables them to live in conditions which conform to human dignity. This aim is achieved by preventing insurmountable, difficult life situations when an individual in a crisis situation ceases to be self-sufficient. A classified form of this difficult situation is the case of individuals (families) who are on the verge of social exclusion. For it is the category of "social safety" that accommodates those allowances that are directed at individuals (families) being in a particularly difficult situation, and their function is to prevent the deprivation of needs. The group of social safety benefits singled out in this study constitutes a sub-category of social assistance benefits. Providing social safety is implemented with the use of a directory of services of different specifics, roles and functions.

The purpose of this article is synthetic analysis of the theories concerning the Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. Author analyses neorealist and neofunctionalist theories and marginally takes into account theory of liberal intergovernmentalism and new institutionalism theory Neorealists argued that in order to understand CSDP, one should look at the changing nature of the balance of power and the way in which member states sought profits coming from the negotiation process, which took place between European Union and NATO. Liberal intergovernmetalists, including Andrew Moravcsik, assumed that CSDP is a factor created and driven by the domestic policy of member states, although both NATO and EU institutions influenced this process. Neofunctionalists' hypothesis assumed that CSDP is a result of the spill-over effect – consequence of the economic integration. They demonstrated, through economic analysis, the impact of economic and monetary union on the process of development of the European security and defence policy. In neoinstitutionalist theory, the emergence of the CSDP is explained by highlighting the impact of international institutions in the foreign policy of the EU and NATO member states. Above hypotheses have the objective of finding the causes of the CSDP's emergence, but are also an attempt to answer the question what is the CSDP. Exitisting theories do not adress the whole issue comprehensively, because they are missing implication of links between supranational, transnational and intergovernmental dimension of CSDP, indicating only the conceptualization of evolution and the role of the various bodies at different levels, particularly in the theories of neoliberalism, neoinstitutionalism and intergovernmental liberalism.