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"Men and masculinities are still inadequately incorporated into the historiography of early modern witch trials, despite the fact that 20-25% of all accused 'witches' were male. This book redresses this imbalance by making men the focus of the gender analysis and also covers the issue of regional variation in the gendering of witch persecution"--Provided by publisher

Introduction -- International legal personality -- Determining the criteria necessary to satisfy the capacity requirement associated with international legal personality -- Establishing a legal basis for the application of international law to armed groups -- The de facto control theory and the international regulation of armed groups in the absence of directly applicable international treaty law -- The application of international human rights law to armed groups -- The gradated application of international human rights law obligations -- Prosecution, detention, and satisfaction of the right to health by armed groups -- Conclusion

THE BRAZILIAN ELECTIONS OF 1982 ARE USUALLY DESCRIBED AS AN INSTANCE OF THE INEXORABLE PROCESS OF 'OPENING UP' TO POLITICAL DEMOCRATIZATION ('ABERTURA'), WHICH ALLEGEDLY CONSTITUTES THE MILITARY REGIME'S CURRENT POLICY. THIS PAPER ARGUES THAT 'ABERTURA' SHOULD BE SEEN AS A NEW ATTEMPT AT INSTITUTIONALIZING AUTHORITARIAN MILITARY RULE IN THE CONTEXT OF GROWING OPPOSITION TO THE MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT GENERATED BY THE DYNAMICS OF A SYSTEM OF CONTROLLED PARTICIPATION. IT STRESSES THAT THE SURVIVAL OF PARLIAMENTARY INSTITUTIONS, AUTHORITARIAN PRACTICES AND OPPOSITIONAL POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES ARE ALL ELEMENTS WHICH REPRESENT THE CONTRADICTORY LEGACY OF THE VARGUIST PERIOD. THE RESULTS OF THE ELECTIONS ARE THEN ASSESSED IN THE CONTEXT OF A STALEMATE BETWEEN REGIME AND OPPOSITION: THE FORMER RE-APPROPRIATING THE INSTITUTIONAL SETTING OF THE VARGUIST PERIOD, THE LATTER REVIVING THE NATIONAL AND POPULAR ELEMENTS OF ITS POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND THE MEMORIES OF A MORE OPEN POLITICAL SYSTEM.

IN COUNTRIES WITHOUT RELIGIOUS HOMOGENEITY, RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCES PROVIDED A POTENTIAL SOURCE OF VALUE CONFLICT GIVEN THAT RELIGIONS ARE USUALLY CONCERNED WITH PROPAGATING SPECIFIC VALUES THROUGH A NETWORK OF SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS. GIVEN A WIDELY ACCEPTED WORLD VIEW BASED ON SUPERNATURAL AND RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE, THE STRENGTH OF THE LINK BETWEEN RELIGION AND MASS POLITICAL BEHAVIOUR PERSISTED. INCREASING EMPHASIS ON A LEGAL-RATIONAL OUTLOOK WHICH STRESSED SCEPTICISM, RELATIVISM AND UNCERTAINTY GRADUALLY UNDERMINED THE SOCIETAL ROLE OF RELIGION TO SUCH AN EXTENT THAT THE SOCIAL 'TRUTHS' OF TODAY ARE MORE LIKELY TO ENCOMPASS THE VALUE OF EVER-INCREASING TECHNOLOGICAL SOPHISTICATION THAN THE CHRISTIAN 'TRUTHS' OF YESTERYEAR. IT IS WIDELY ASSUMED THAT SUCH A DEVELOPMENT HAS WEAKENED THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RELIGION AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR. RECENT STUDIES HAVE FOUND A MAJOR DECLINE IN CHURCHGOING AND RELIGIOUS COMMITMENT (BAKVIS, 1981; WHYTE, 1981; WERTMAN, 1982) AND IT IS OFTEN TAKEN FOR GRANTED THAT THIS TREND PROVIDES CLEAR EVIDENCE THAT 'SECULARIZATION' IS OCCURRING AND THAT SUCH A DEVELOPMENT HAS SIGNIFICANT IMPLICATIONS FOR MASS POLITICS. FALLING RATES OF CHURCH ATTENDANCE MIGHT BE EXPECTED TO IMPLY HIGHLY INTERESTING CONSEQUENCES IN TERMS OF POLITICAL 'EMANCIPATION' AND A GREATER FLEXIBILITY WITH REGARD TO PARTISAN PREFERENCES.