Suchergebnisse

At head of title: University of Toronto. ; Report year ends June 30. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Printed by order of the Legislative assembly of Ontario.

Vol. 1, no. 1-2 also as History series, no. 2; no. 3 as Economics series, no. 1. ; Includes unnumbered extra volumes. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Supersedes its Political science series.

Title page filmed as last page of text. ; Tables. ; At head of title: 1st session, 7th Legislature, 54 Vic., 1891. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Duplicate of CIHM no. 47126. ; "Printed by order of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Duplicate of CIHM no. 28953. ; "Published by order of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.' ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Caption title. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Climate change, biodiversity loss and human-generated pollution pose an urgent, existential threat to all living things. UnitedNations (UN) scientific reports, and several others, confirm humanity's destructive impact on the earth's atmosphere,land and water. They also confirm that climate change creates new problems and exacerbates existing social and economicproblems across all the sustainable development goals (SDGs) in the UN's Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development. Yet,in their design, the 17 SDGs and their 169 targets make very few explicit links between climate change, specifically, and theother ecological and socio-economic goals. And, on the few key indicators tracked by the Sustainable Development IndexDashboard under SDG 13 on climate change, the developed countries lag well behind developing ones, while progress onmany SDGs has reversed since 2019. The Group of 20 (G20) developed and emerging economies, all systemically significant,comply with their own climate change goals at an average of just 69%. Given its membership profile and vast resources,the G20 has great potential to reinforce progress toward the SDGs. By improving its own performance on climate change, theG20 can help the UN and its members spur progress on SDG 13 on climate change, and thus on other closely related SDGs.The G20 leaders at their summits should therefore make far more ambitious commitments on climate change, explicitly linkthem to sustainable development, SDG 13, other socio-economic SDGs, and the UN's climate conference. They shouldalso foster more synergies between the UN's SDG high level meetings, UN climate summits, and special climate summits,and recognize in their G20 communiqués the climate-related, shock-activated vulnerabilities of, and their socio-economicimpacts on, countries in and beyond the G20.

How well and why have Group of 20 (G20) summits advanced Agenda 2030's sustainable development goals (SDGs) in a synergistic way, with climate change and digitization at the core? An answer to this urgent, indeed existential, question comes from a systematic analysis of G20 summit governance of the SDGs, climate change and digitization to assess the ambition and appropriateness of advances within each pillar and the synergistic links among them. This analysis examines G20 governance of the SDGs, sustainable development, climate change and digitization across the major dimensions of performance and evaluates how performance has changed and become synergistic with the advent of the SDGs in 2015 and the shock of the COVID-19 crisis in 2020. The latter has shown the need to prevent global ecological crises and spurred the digitization of the economy, society and health. Yet, G20 summit governance has largely remained in separate silos, doing little to use the digital revolution to address climate change or reach the SDGs. This highlights the need for G20 leaders to forge links at their future summits by mainstreaming the SDGs and mobilizing the digital revolution and climate action for future health and well-being.

In this book, Arjun Tremblay considers the future of multiculturalism, contextualised within an ideological and political shift to the right. Is there any hope that multiculturalism will survive alongside the rise of the political right across democracies? How can policy makers continue to recognize and to accommodate minorities in an increasingly inhospitable ideological environment? Based on evidence from three cases studies, Tremblay develops a hypothesis of multicultural outcomes, arguing that while the threat to multiculturalism is real, there still is hope, and that not only is the fate of minority rights in liberal democracies far from sealed, but it may still be possible to further protect the rights of immigrant and other minority groups in years to come. In order to do this, proponents of diversity politics may need to reconceptualise multiculturalism and other minority rights along instrumental lines as a means to fulfil policy objectives above and beyond the recognition and accommodation of immigrant minorities. This will be an important read for scholars interested in minority rights, multiculturalism, diversity politics, comparative politics, institutionalism, right-wing and far-right studies, and public policy