Suchergebnisse

New social movements, focused around values and sociocultural identities, shape new communities outside the traditional field of party politics. On one hand, in their institutionalization, social movements enter the political sphere, and on the other, political parties strive to attract voters and supporters by application of tools typical for social movements. The subject of this paper is the border area between new social movements and parties, understood primarily as modes of collective action. The study aims at delineating the field of their mutual influence and at identifying its mechanisms, and explores the problems of ambivalence and instability affecting the dynamics of change within political systems.

After the limbo caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, Chinese investments have picked up in the first quarter of 2023. Investments through China's Belt and Road Initiative are carried out by approaching potential participants individually, or via dedicated platforms outside the EU's legal and institutional framework. Thus, the EU Framework for the Screening of Foreign Direct Investment – which is likely to get its so-called "baptism of fire" after its COVID-induced hibernation – can be seen as an implicit response to said Chinese initiative. This framework should be considered a message directed simultaneously towards foreign actors, discouraging them from attempting to carry out investments in the EU with the intention of bypassing the relevant European rules, and also towards Member States, cautioning them against facilitating such operations. The author will argue that the regulatory model has too many in-built unknowns that could prevent the framework from achieving its objectives.

In the last thirty years, China became one of the most important elements of the global economy. China is one of the leading investor countries. In 2020, the value of outward Foreign Direct Investment from China amounted to approximately 153.71 billion U.S. dollars. Therefore, the threat of making other countries dependent on Chinese pressure is growing. Chinese leaders tend to use the potential benefits of cooperation with them as a bargaining card in relations with other countries – both developing and developed. This research article aims to present aspects of economic cooperation with China that are usually overlooked in public discourse and to arouse the reader's interest in the subject. This article is largely descriptive, based on scientific studies and analyses of Polish and foreign researchers. The author has used historical, comparative, and monographic methods in his research.

The main objective of the paper is to indicate the contribution of Social Investment paradigm and the Social Business model to the process of socioeconomic inclusion. The concept of social effectiveness and the methods of its measurement will be used to achieve the objective. Social Business is built on loans for the poorest and micro-credits for those who can afford to pay interest, however, for the banking system they remain unreliable. According to the European Social Investment paradigm, the government's spending on social services should not be perceived as redistribution but rather conceptualized as investments that bring a return in the form of larger share in the labour market, greater employee productivity, etc. These two solutions are to support socioeconomic inclusion by combating, above all, financial exclusion defined as financial situation which involves the lack of access to the resources, goods and services, and the inability to participate in social life.

The paper's aim is to present key findings of the analysis of the discussion on the abortion issue on Polish Twitter. Social media are believed to be a tool serving the political periphery to participate in political discourse and with the COVID- 19 pandemic they have become crucial in our everyday communication. In this context, the Twitter discussion on abortion issue and Women's Strike protests that took place in October 2020 in Poland was analyzed. The discussion on the abortion issue itself in many countries brings broader questions on the state of public discourse and democratic processes, and the protests brought even more inquiries about freedom of speech or the right to protest. In total, 68,716 tweets were collected from October 20 till November 15, 2020, and analyzed with MAXQDA software to answer two main research questions: RQ1: Who was shaping the discussion in the analyzed period? RQ2: Were the two sides of the conflict represented in the discussion? The analysis showed great potential that Twitter has for Polish public discourse, but also many obstacles, problems, and even social cleavages manifesting in the analyzed discussion.

The article is devoted to the analysis of potential forms of the image in culture and the development of the Jungian concept of an archetype in Wunenburger, Bachelard, Durand and modern cultural studies. The notion of archetype in Carl Jung's concept is related to the distinction between the archetype in itself, noumenon and archetype image conceived as a phenomenal manifestation of archetypal forms in the space-time, historical and social reality. This distinction has a Kantian lineage, which Jung was clearly conscious of. He provides a reference to the conception of Kant, calling it "a school of philosophical criticism" several times in his writings. In the studies of Jung's concept, his approach to transcendentalism (Z. Rosińska) is at times present, and a certain type of its specific, evolutionary interpretation is used. The archetype, being a "thing in itself ", determines the appearance of phenomenal forms in the space-time, historical and social world, while remaining outside the direct entanglement and referring to the evolutionally active sphere of the unconscious as an anthropological datum. The archetypal image expresses the permanent approximation of manifestation of the semantic core of the archetype itself. The notion of an archetype has evolved in contemporary understandings and conceptions; it was conceived as a psychological expression of the evolutionary pattern of behavior, as an affective-representative node and ante rem of an idea, as a hermeneutic pattern of meaning or as a kind of matrix image. The archetype can be understood in connection with anthropological structures or with a cultural image; one way of comprehension does not exclude the other.

The paper explores Wrocław Civic Budget in the context of procedures and impact. It reviews various data to present different aspects of this process: number of projects submitted and implemented, citizens' participation in the selection process, geographical distribution of the implemented projects and their contents, showing the significant fall in the citizens' interest in the process after two years of its implementation. The paper aims to analyze whether the project in its current form actually succeeds in activating the citizens' and involving them in the local decision-making on one hand, and changing the city on the other. The effectiveness of participatory budgeting in Wrocław is explored, considering such criteria as reliability, impact, activation and innovativeness. The data reveal both the successes and drawbacks of Wrocław Civic Budget, allowing for presentation of recommendations.

The analysis in this article provides an overview of the research on the current relations among countries of the South China Sea basin. For this purpose, I have decided to apply the geopolitical research workshop, focusing on its contemporary approach. On the one hand, this work uses the available indicators and index to gauge the level of development, economic and demographic potential, and military expenditure of these states. On the other hand, an effort was made to analyze and measure power, taking into account the changing geopolitical status of countries in this sub-region. Contemporary geopolitics in this context allows to verify the scale of the impact on permanent environmental and geographic factors (e.g. publicized investments carried out by the People's Republic of China in Mischief Reef, Fiery Cross, Subi Reef and Woody Island) and the elaboration of proposals going beyond the classical, geopolitical framework (morphological, political and military factors). Therefore, this article also includes the use of geopolitical codes to assess the current strategies of these countries and to describe potential scenarios of actors' behaviour in the sub-region.

This article examines the transformation of political discourse on women's rights and women-oriented NGOs in Tanzania, focusing on successive state administrations within the same political party, led by John Pombe Magufuli and Jakaya Kikwete. The analysis unfolds through three key phases: first, characterizing the habitus of Tanzanian women's NGOs; second, examining the evolving narratives in government-NGO relations; and third, briefly exploring the political discourse during the Kikwete and Magufuli presidencies. The research methodology is based on extensive desk research and two field studies conducted in Tanzania. Rather than adhering to a preconceived theory, our research approach is guided by theorems and selected frameworks. Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical concepts, particularly 'habitus' and the 'exchangeability of different forms of capital,' underpin our argument and interpretation of the data. The study shows that while elements of anti-feminism are evident in Magufuli's political discourse, accusations of promoting toxic masculinity are mainly unfounded. At the same time, it argues that the critique of women's empowerment and women-focused NGOs can be attributed to Magufuli's unique mode of accumulating political and economic capital, leading to heightened distrust in the relationship between these NGOs and the Tanzanian government.