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В XXI в. религиозный фактор стал играть всё более значимую роль в мировой политике. Это прослеживается как в глобальных и региональных процессах, так и на уровне отдельных стран. Отношения России и Саудовской Аравии являются подтверждением данного тезиса. Несмотря на определенные разногласия по ряду вопросов, Москва и Эр-Рияд поддерживают тесные контакты с начала 1990-х годов. Важную роль в развитии российско-саудовских отношений сыграл религиозный фактор. После распада СССР мусульманские народы России и Постсоветского Востока получили возможность совершать паломничество к святым местам ислама в Саудовской Аравии, что напрямую отразилось в государственной политике обеих стран.

The article scrutinizes Turkish-Azerbaijani key areas of cooperation – political, economic, military-technical, cultural and humanitarian. For instance, in addition to intensive interaction at the level of high-ranking political elites, Azerbaijani-Turkish unity in the political context is largely built on the basis of classifying foreign policy partners into common friends and common enemies (the "friend-foe" principle). Thus, both Ankara and Baku are building friendly relations with the Turkic states of Central Asia. At the same time, Armenia acts as a common "enemy". In the military sphere, both states seek to form Turkey-oriented militarized structures and, moreover, to create a unified Turkic army in the long term. The nature of economic relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey is largely based on a competitive basis. Energy acts as a unifying and at the same time a divisive factor since both states strive for leadership in this area, seeking to occupy a special place in the regional energy market. In the cultural and humanitarian sphere, the unfolding Turkey-centric integration is of particular importance. The author comes to the conclusion that nowadays the bilateral relations between Turkey and Azerbaijan are characterized by the "merging" of the two countries into a single Turkey-centric space, which manifests in almost all fields of interaction. The Republic of Turkey seeks to influence Baku in order to make it a reference point of the "Turkic world" under its auspices. This trend is most likely to strengthen in the future.

The article examines key private military companies affiliated with the Republic of Turkey. In a new type of security architecture that is being formed non-state actors play a growing role. These actors include private military companies (PMCs) and structures close to PMCs in the form of their activities. In Turkey, there is neither legislation in the field of PMCs, nor generally accepted classification of such organizations, which, however, have a significant impact on the country's foreign and security policies. The main approaches of Turkish analysts to the study and classification of PMCs are largely similar to those adopted in the West and are confined to dividing them into military service providers, military consulting and military assistance companies. Of several PMC-type structures formed by the former Turkish military, the most famous ones are SADAT and rapidly developing Akademi Sancak. These companies do not position themselves as combat actors despite the existing evidence of the participation of some of their employees (especially in the case of SADAT) in armed conflicts in Libya, Syria, and other regions. At the same time, in Turkish socio-political discourse, SADAT is often referred to as the government's "shadow army" due to its alleged ties with Turkey's ruling elites. The authors conclude that for Turkey, private military companies form a relatively new phenomenon. However, many Turkish experts as well as the leaders of the PMCs underscore the need to develop this area of military activity, as PMCs could potentially implement a number of important foreign policy tasks and serve as an auxiliary force for the state and the Turkish Armed Forces.

Central Asia is one of the focal points of Turkish foreign policy. Attempts to stimulate integration processes in the former Turkic republics of the Soviet Union under Turkish aegis have been underway since the early 1990s. Turkmenistan, due to its large reserves of natural resources and favorable strategic position on the shore of the Caspian Sea, is of particular interest to Ankara. Promoting the concept of "Two states – one nation" Turkey is building interaction with official Ashgabat in the field of trade, military cooperation, humanitarian ties. This article examines the current state of affairs in these tracks and points out in which areas the Republic of Turkey is already successful, and which may soon attract more attention from Ankara.

In recent years, large-scale reforms in all spheres of life have been carried out in the Republic of Uzbekistan. During the reign of President Sh. Mirziyoyev, there have been noticeable changes in the political, economic and social life of the country. It is important to note that the country's policy has become more open, which gives the people an opportunity to participate directly in the discussion of the ongoing reforms. The article analyses the role of the updated Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the early presidential elections. The reasons and relevance of the amendments to the legislation of Uzbekistan are revealed, the degree of support for the reforms carried out by the government by the citizens of the country is examined. The importance of the work of the Constitutional Сommission and distinctive features of the technology of early elections are also determined.

The article analyzes Turkey's policy in the framework of the Syrian crisis. The Arab Spring brought dramatic changes to the region, and Syria has since become an area of never ending conflict. At the first stage of the war in Syria, Ankara demonstrated a moderate position in relation to the events in that country, but it soon turned to harsh criticism of the B.Assad regime. Special attention is paid to Turkish military operations in Syria. The interaction with Russia and the United States within the framework of the Syrian settlement is analyzed. The issue of Syrian refugees and their impact on Turkey EU relations are also discussed. It is concluded that in the context of the 2023 elections Ankara has moved to a more constructive position on the Syrian crisis.

The article analyses Turkish-Ukrainian relations during the presidency of V. Zelensky. Various aspects of bilateral cooperation in the political, economic and military-technological spheres are analyzed. The authors note that Ukraine sought to intensify military-technical cooperation and enlist the support of Ankara. Turkey, in turn, systematically deepened economic cooperation, receiving privileges from the Ukrainian side. It is concluded that Ukraine has not been able to achieve equal relations with Turkey.

The article explores interaction in the U.S.-Turkey-France triangle on military and political issues related to the rejoining of NATO military organization by France in 2009. This analysis is important to clarify the level of NATO coherence, speed of the emergence of polycentric world and to forecast behavior of these three partners. The article studies differences in doctrines and approaches of the three countries to the Iranian, Syrian, Libyan and Afghan crises. In regards to each of the crises interests of three countries are identified, which define their poitions. The authors come to the conclusion that existing differences are not deep and reflect divergent rather than antagonistic interests. ; В статье рассмотрено конфликтное взаимодействие в треугольнике США — Турция — Франция по военно-политическим вопросам со времени возвращения Франции в военную организацию НАТО в 2009 г. Данный анализ необходим для прояснения степени единства НАТО, скорости формирова- ния полицентричного мира и для прогнозирования поведения трех партнеров. Рассмотрено как несовпадение доктрин, так и несхожесть подходов трех стран к кризисам в Иране, Сирии, Ливии и Афганистане. В каждом кризисе выделены интересы трех государств, которые определяют их позиции. Авторы приходят к выводу, что существующие разногласия неглубоки и за ними стоят в основном расходящиеся, а не антагонистические интересы.