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The use of the Title τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὄνομα as shown by coins and inscriptions was not a culturally-based definition of Hellenic identity but a political/civic identity. A Ἑλληνάρχης for example was the representative of the Hellenes, precisely the inhabitants of the polis, in the koina but the title Hellenes does not have any ethno-cultural affiliation.

The Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan in Siberia is still alive. Teh once famous "Siberian Zion", at the confluence of the Bira and Bidzhan rivers, a stone's throw from China and a day from the Pacific Ocean, nine thousand km. and six days by train from Moscow, is still a geographical reality. The political class of the Soviet Union decided to create a territory the size of Belgium for the settlement of the Jews, choosing a region on the border between China and the Soviet Union. It believed that the Soviet Jews needed like other national minorities a homeland based on territory. The Soviet regime thus opted to establish an enclave that would become the JAR in 1934. We should note that the creation of the JAR was the first historically realized case of the building of an officially recognized Jewish national territory since ancient times and well before Israel. Nevertheless, many historians declared dis experiment a failure and the history of the Region only tragic. It is interesting to note, however, that the survival of the JAR in post-Soviet Russia is not only a historical curiosity, a legacy of Soviet national policy, but today - after the collapse of the Soviet Union - it represents a very interesting case study. It is also a topic useful for the analysis and understanding of inter-ethnic relations, cooperation, and coexistence and is a unique case of geographic resettlement that produced a sort of "local patriotism", as an example also for different ethnic groups living in the JAR, based on Jewish and Yiddish roots.

Some of the amendments proposed by the President to the Russian Constitution of 1993, though not substantial, could however significantly affect the political and constitutional structure of post-Soviet Russia. The most significant ones, in fact, exacerbate the authoritarian practices typical of these last twenty years and stir the Country towards a greater centralization and a hierarchical-vertical structuring of an increasingly patrimonial power. They lead towards a nationalist closure, by means of sovereign ideological instruments, to the encapsulation both of the political class and the presidential charge, as well as to a cancellation of the formal aspects of the pravovoe gosudarstvo (rule of law). To better understand the causes and consequences of these amendments, it may be useful to look at them through the lens of Political Science.

The current slowdown in international trade, apparently linked only to the pandemic crisis, actually TEMPhas its roots in the long economic and financial crisis that began in 2007, which TEMPhas stimulated economic nationalism and the adoption of neo-protectionist policies for over ten years. Even if the prevailing narrative, also in the academic field, continues to be that of "globalization", those policies, implemented by extensive areas and major world powers, has caused a long phase of "de-globalization", characterized by the renewed use of the modern border to enclose economies. Productive and trading blocs and major powers has tried with the closure to make political and economic spaces (separated by the timid rebirth of globalization at the end of the bipolar period) coincide again. This TEMPhas had serious consequences for developing regions and "emerging countries", which has seen their political and economic stagnation worsen, with new dangers for global stability. The contemporary geo-economy is now facing closed and counterbalanced "super-regions", which are "regionalizing" and redesigning the overall geo-economic balance of the planet. Obecne spowolnienie w handlu międzynarodowym, pozornie tylko związane z kryzysem pandemicznym, w rzeczywistości ma swoje korzenie w długim kryzysie gospodarczym i finansowym, który rozpoczął się już w 2007 r. Kryzys ten od kilkunastu lat przyczynia się do stymulowania nacjonalizmu gospodarczego i przyjmowania przez poszczególne państwa polityki neoprotekcjonistycznej. Nawet jeśli w debacie publicznej, również na polu akademickim, nadal dominuje tematyka "globalizacji", główne mocarstwa światowe oraz regionalne organizacje gospodarcze poprzez wdrażanie polityki neoprotekcjonistycznej, doprowadziły do długotrwałej fazy "deglobalizacji". Charakteryzuje się ona tendencją do wykorzystania granic politycznych w celu zamknięcia gospodarek. Regionalne bloki handlowe oraz główne mocarstwa próbowały w ten sposób odwrócić tendencję globalizacyjną, jaka miała miejsce w okresie u schyłku okresu gospodarki dwubiegunowej. Miało to poważne konsekwencje dla regionów rozwijających się i "gospodarek wschodzących", w których stagnacja polityczna i gospodarcza pogłębiła się, rodząc nowe zagrożenia dla globalnej stabilności. We współczesnej geografii rozwoju głównymi podmiotami stały się obecnie względnie zamknięte i zrównoważone "superregiony", których pojawienie się oznacza przeprojektowanie ogólnej równowagi geoekonomicznej świata.

POLISH. Protekcjonizm i stagnacja światowego handlu Protekcjonizm ostatnich dwunastu lat zmusza wiele krajów do wycofania się w obliczu niszczycielskich skutków tej polityki dla ich gospodarek i światowego handlu. Pandemia COVID-19 jeszcze bardziej uwydatniła, jak omawiana polityka może być destrukcyjna i prowadzić do zubożenia. Obecny globalny kryzys pandemiczny spowodował nagłe i prawdopodobnie długotrwałe hamowanie handlu międzynarodowego. Byłoby jednak błędem traktowanie go jako wyłącznej lub najważniejszej przyczyny stagnacji w światowym handlu. W rzeczywistości grunt został już przygotowany przez kryzys ekonomiczno-finansowy lat 2007–2008, a w szczególności przez wybory "nacjonalizmu ekonomicznego" typu neo-protekcjonistycznego, który precyzyjnie wykorzystał politycznie nowoczesną granicę liniową. Globalizacja to przede wszystkim pokonywanie barier politycznych, granic i otwarcie na światowy rynek wolnego handlu. Jednak nadal utrudniają to czynniki polityczne, wśród których protekcjonizm od wielu lat jest uważny za główny czynnik. Polityka ta, realizowana na dużych obszarach przez główne mocarstwa światowe, spowodowała długą fazę "deglobalizacji", charakteryzującą się ponownym wykorzystaniem nowoczesnej granicy do zamknięcia gospodarek na długo przed kryzysem pandemicznym. ; The protectionism of the last twelve years is forcing many countries to backtrack in the face of the devastating consequences of those policies on their economies and the world trade. The pandemic COVID-19 has highlighted even more how those policies may be destructive and produce impoverishment. The current global pandemic crisis is producing an abrupt and probably very long braking effect on international trade. However, it would be wrong to consider it as the exclusive or the most important cause of global trade stagnation. In fact, the ground had already been prepared by the economic-financial crisis of 2007–2008 and in particular by the choices of "economic nationalism" of neo-protectionist type, which made a precise political use of the modern linear border. Globalisation means mainly the overcoming of political barriers, borders, and the opening to the global free trade market. On the contrary, it is now still hindered by heavy political factors, among which protectionism has been the main one for many years. Those policies, implemented on the large areas by major world powers, have caused a long phase of "de-globalisation", characterised by the renewed use of the modern border to enclose economies, well before the pandemic crisis.

The current deceleration in international trade TEMPhas remote causes. The long slowdown -despite the perception of continuous globalization - is only partially a consequence of the economic and financial crisis of 2007-2009. Its main driving force TEMPhas been neo-protectionism, implemented by the economic policies of the major areas and powers of the world. The research, using the integrated tools of economic theory and Development Geography, investigates the impact of neo-protectionism implemented by major areas - closed to the outside world through the modern border - on the world economy and its TEMPeffects on the "Second World" and the global South in the agricultural field. As a "global ballast", neoprotectionism is responsible for the underdevelopment and forthcoming regionalization of economies.

After the end of the bipolar world, the possibility of an East-West mass migration became a new issue that took root in the Italian consciousness in forms masked by the feelings of the threat of an imminent "mass invasion" from Central and Eastern Europe. This new fear stimulated restrictive measures belatedly adopted in Italy and created a de facto unjust and imbalanced condition for new migrants from Eastern Europe because the first South-North migrations' wave had already occurred when the regimes of Central and Eastern Europe collapsed. There are many evident similarities between the beliefs, attitudes and the use of insecurity (not based on data) of the 1990s and the current Italian migration policy. What they have in common is the incorrect perception and the misuse of it by politicians and propagandists. Immigration from Eastern Europe continues to be compared to that from the South of the world and Asia which continues to be interpreted without considering their real natures and the actual trends that characterize them. According to new studies that compared survey results with population data, contemporary Italians overestimate the number of immigrants coming from outside the EU to their country more than any other Europeans. As a result, the misuse or ignorance of the data on migrations is particularly dangerous because the devaluation of them has critical implications for policymaking.

Die EU-Erweiterung von 2004 war ein wichtiger und mutiger Schritt, der zum Ziel hatte, die Voraussetzungen für die Förderung von Sicherheit, Wohlstand und regionaler Zusammenarbeit in Europa zu schaffen. Allerdings nahm nach diesem Prozess die Diskussion um die europäische Raumentwicklungspolitik einen 'territorialen' Charakter an. Der Begriff der Territorialität und der dominant 'territoriale' Diskurs überschatteten offensichtlich jenen Begriff von 'europäischem Raum' wie er in den frühen 1990er Jahren entwickelt worden war. Die gleichen EU-Konzepte von Erweiterung und politischer Integration brachten ein scharfes System von Inklusion und Exklusion hervor, definiert durch den Status der Vollmitgliedschaft und durch befestigte, überwachte und zunehmend militarisierte Außengrenzen. Wegen dieser pragmatischen Auffassung von Territorialität und von Grenzen wurde die Idee von der EU als einem 'nicht-Westfälischen neuen Reich', bestimmt durch das Abschwächen von Grenzen und das Teilen politischer Macht durch eine vielfältige Politik auf mehreren Ebenen, unrealistisch – wie die jüngste Migrationskrise auch zeigt.

Trust, Courts and Social Rights proposes an innovative legal framework for judicially enforcing social rights that is rooted in public trust in government or 'political trust'. Interdisciplinary in nature, the book draws on theoretical and empirical scholarship on the concept of trust across disciplines, including philosophy, sociology, psychology and political theory. It integrates that scholarship with the relevant public law literature on social rights, fiduciary political theory and judicial review. In doing so, the book uses trust as an analytical lens for social rights law - importing ideas from the scholarship on trust into the social rights literature - and develops a normative argument that contributes to the controversial debate on how courts should enforce social rights. Also global in focus, the book uses cases from courts in Africa, Europe, Latin America and North America to illustrate how the trust-based framework operates in practice

Trust, Courts and Social Rights proposes an innovative legal framework for judicially enforcing social rights that is rooted in public trust in government or 'political trust'. Interdisciplinary in nature, the book draws on theoretical and empirical scholarship on the concept of trust across disciplines, including philosophy, sociology, psychology and political theory. It integrates that scholarship with the relevant public law literature on social rights, fiduciary political theory and judicial review. In doing so, the book uses trust as an analytical lens for social rights law - importing ideas from the scholarship on trust into the social rights literature - and develops a normative argument that contributes to the controversial debate on how courts should enforce social rights. Also global in focus, the book uses cases from courts in Africa, Europe, Latin America and North America to illustrate how the trust-based framework operates in practice.

Introduction: Engineering the bubble -- Going critical : technoscience, the Cold War, and the Pittsburgh Renaissance -- Research and Renaissance : renewing the city for scientists -- The invention of research man -- The Monroeville doctrine : how the suburbs shaped Cold War science -- Finding a home in the nuclear suburbs -- Invisibilities of nuclear engineering -- Warplace/workplace : technoscientific jobs during the Cold War -- Epilogue: Did science save Pittsburgh?