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Moral clampdown 1963-1975 -- First steps 1975-1977 -- Gert Garries of Magersfontein 1977-1980 -- Magersfontein and other victories 1979-1984 -- The scope of nudity in the eighties 1980-1990 -- A peek into porn in the nineties 1991-1998 -- The masses shout 'Decadence!" 1980-1990 -- Religious fervour ignored 1980-1989 -- Security and the voice of the majority 1979-1990 -- Cry freedom? 1988-1990 -- The end of an era February -- April 1990 -- Drafting for freedom 1998-2009 -- Freedom! 1994-2011

In de periode 1990-2000 is de Europese Unie veranderd van een te negeren internationale omgeving, in een bestuurslaag waar niemand meer omheen kan. Wat heeft deze verandering teweeggebracht bij belangengroepen en politieke partijen? Hoe en in hoeverre hebben zij zich aan de EU aangepast, in organisatorische en strategische zin? Het is van groot belang hier kennis van te hebben, omdat belangengroepen en politieke partijen de cruciale verbindende schakels zijn tussen burger en (Europese) overheid. Het in 2005 gehouden referendum over het Grondwettelijk Verdrag heeft geleerd dat de relatie tussen

As a lawyer, it is a privilege to contribute to this Festschrift in honour of Professor Doctor Johan Buitendag. His entire career has been a quest for the truth. In the process, he has fearlessly rejected political agendas based on the Bible, and has inspired countless students in their quest to serve God in a practical and humane manner. His published research as well as the output of his doctoral students, both present and past, bear witness to a life dedicated to the search for knowledge in the service of God. He has also assisted substantially in placing South African theological research on the international map. In a sense, this article which deals with the protection of the right to a fair trial of an accused, also acknowledges Johan Buitendag's quest for justice for all South Africans, whatever their creed, gender, race or standing. The subject of my article demonstrates my own quest to promote the constitutional right of an accused to a fair trial, a right that should not be subject to inordinate pressure by the media, and which gives priority to the right of an accused to be presumed innocent: an accused who may frequently suffer loneliness and a sense of rejection. Related to that it is, of course, always important to bear in mind that freedom of expression is at the heart of our democracy. A balance has, accordingly, to be struck between the competing rights. ; http://www.hts.org.za ; am2015

Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-124). ; Trust assurances for customers of online transactions is an important, but not well implemented concept for the growth of confidence in electronic transactions. In an online world where customers do not personally know the companies they seek to do business with, there is real risk involved in providing an unknown service with personal information and payment details. The risks faced by a customer are compounded when multiple services are involved in a single transaction. This dissertation provides mechanisms that can be used to reduce the risks faced by a client involved in online transactions by allowing the him/her access to information about the services involved and control or prescribe how the transaction uses the services. The dissertation uses electronic transactions legislation to ground a trust assurance protocol and minimize the assumptions that have to be made. By basing the protocol on legislation, no information that isn't already required by law is used in the protocol. A trust assurance protocol is presented so that the client can establish which services are involved in a transaction so that the he/she can begin to determine whether or not he/she is willing to conduct business with the services. A trust model that calculates an assurance measure for services is developed so that the client can automatically establish a measure of trust for a service based on the external perceptions of a service, and his/her own personal experience. A simulation environment was created and used to monitor the services involved in a transaction to evaluate the trust assurance protocol and gain experience with the trust calculation that the client computes. Vocabularies that simplify and standardize descriptions of personal information, business types and the legal structure imposed on Web services offering goods or services online are presented to reduce the ambiguity involved in gathering information from different online sources. The vocabularies also provide a cornerstone of the trust assurance protocol by providing information that is necessary to compute the trust value of a Web service. Results of the trust assurance protocol are obtained and evaluated against the qualitative requirements of providing assurances to clients, and confirms that the protocol is feasible to be deployed, in terms of the overhead placed on a transaction. This dissertation finds that a trust assurance protocol is necessary to provide the client with information that he/she legally has access to and that the trust model can provide a calculable measure of trust that the client can use to compare Web services.

Eine sichere regionale Versorgung mit Nahrungsmitteln wird als eine der wichtigsten Herausforderungen an die SADC-Länder gesehen und die bedeutende Rolle, die die Entwicklung der Landwirtschaft dabei spielt, steht außer Frage. Der Autor bekräftigt dies, betont aber auch, dass es angesichts der Komplexität und Unterschiedlichkeit der Region notwendig ist, eine Harmonisierung der Agrarpolitik und der agraren Parameter zu erreichen, um das Ziel einer Eigenversorgung mit Nahrungsmitteln in der Region zu erreichen. Er passt das landwirtschaftliche "Entwicklungs-Stadien"-Modell von Timmer an die Gegebenheiten im südlichen Afrika an, um damit einen Rahmen für die notwendige Konversion der Agrarpolitik zu schaffen. (DÜI-Hlb)

Bibliography: pages 511-522. ; To understand the intricacies of white rightwing politics in South Africa, an in-depth analysis of the roots, strength, policies and strategies of a very small but potentially potent sector of South Africa's diverse population is required. The aim of this dissertation is to provide an objective analysis of interlinking issues associated with the rightwing, the gathering and logical presentation of empirical data, the critical discussion of theories relating to ethnicity, and the provision of a framework in which to evaluate further developments in the sphere of rightwing politics. The thesis is concerned with an assessment of the white rightwing movement as a potentially disruptive element within the process of transformation to a democratic dispensation in South Africa. It argues that Afrikaner ethno-nationalism is the driving force of the rightwing, and discusses this phenomenon in the context of its historical roots, its class base, and its ethnic component. The thesis relies on the theoretical framework of Horowitz, which suggests that the rightwing should be analyzed in terms of a collective drive for power, which in turn could be used to confirm the social status of the Afrikaner ethnic group. It is argued that in the rightwing view, the best way to confirm Afrikaner social status and to protect the group from domination by other ethnic groups and races, is through self-determination. To achieve this goal, the rightwing has placed heavy emphasis on territorial aspects and has structured its territorial demands on the basis of achieving ethnic homogeneity in the Afrikaner 'fatherland'.

The purpose of this dissertation is firstly to define and analyse the concept of minority rights and to place it in perspective in relation to surrounding concepts such as communalism, ethnicity, groups and individualism. This is done through a critical discussion of various theoretical perspectives relating to the subject matter. Comparisons are drawn between the policies of various plural societies aimed at accommodating their ethnic diversity, either constitutionally or through methods that lack legitimacy. This is followed by a discussion and evaluation of consociational democracy and federalism as possible solutions to the problems created by ethnicity and minorities in a plural society. Having made the hypothesis that democracy is best served in a multi-ethnic society by a system that emphasizes group rights in addition to individual rights and which accepts the notion of government through consensus, the emphasis then moves to the particular nature of the South African minority question. The policies of the various actors on the South African political scene towards minority rights are analysed critically. Attention is given to factors which may influence group formation in a system emphasizing voluntary association, such as race, ethnicity, class and ideology. There is also a discussion of the nature of the rights which minorities may claim and emphasis is placed on the requirement that minorities should be able to levy strategic influence without disrupting the society as a whole. Finally, this dissertation deals with the question of which constitutional alternatives offer the most promising solution to the problems caused by South Africa's cultural diversity. Although a political system emphasizing individual rights might come closest to the liberal ideal and may be suitable to an ethnically homogeneous country, the violent history of plural societies where group rights have been neglected, indicate the need for a pluralist solution in South Africa. While there is a strong tendency among Blacks to view the concept of minority rights as yet another Apartheid ploy to maintain White domination and privileges, the purpose of this paper has been to prove that minority rights is a universal concept and is not a creation of Apartheid, although the National Party has managed to almost irreversibly taint it. Yet, in a system of group formation through voluntary association, the concept of minority rights can serve as a powerful tool to help facilitate a negotiated settlement towards a predominantly Slack government based on consensus. A true power-sharing consensus-orientated constitution has been found in Lijphart's notion of a consociational democracy and the view is taken that the Natal-KwaZulu Indaba's constitutional proposals is an example of such a constitution.