Suchergebnisse

Résumé La publication de Rigoberta Menchú and the Story of All Poor Guatemalans [Stoll, 1998] a suscité de vifs débats au sein des départements d'anthropologie d'outre-Atlantique. À la lumière d'une « double ethnographie » des « politiques du témoignage » sur la guerre au Guatemala, cet article entend proposer un mode alternatif d'« engagement » avec la prise de parole de nos enquêtés – c'est-à-dire, autre que ceux auxquels les débats suscités par la publication de l'ouvrage de David Stoll renvoient.

This paper contrasts the way "Mayan" identity is conceptualized by NGOs and intellectuals in Guatemala with the everyday practices and material conditions influencing perceptions of identity in the rural town of Guaisná. The "truth" of past genocide and the experience of ongoing harsh socioeconomic inequality take on different meanings from these two perspectives. And yet inhabitants of Guaisná and Mayan intellectuals share an awareness of past and ongoing oppression, and an understanding of flexible identity as crucial to cultural survival. Thus indigenous people can simultaneously claim some features of "Mayan" identity while also distinguishing it from aspects of local everyday practice.

Depuis la fin du conflit civil armé au Guatemala (1960-1996), plusieurs organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) se sont inscrites dans la continuité du travail des deux « commissions de vérité » qu'a connues ce pays, en se donnant pour objectif de contribuer à la reconstruction de la démocratie « par le bas ». Internationales ou d'origine guatémaltèque, situées dans la capitale ou dans les villages où des massacres eurent lieu, elles travaillent à convaincre les populations locales de témoigner des violences qu'elles ont subies et d'endosser le statut de victimes qui, à ce titre, ont des droits à faire valoir auprès de leur gouvernement. À leurs yeux, amener ces populations à faire entendre leurs droits de victimes vise tout autant à leur donner une dignité (qu'elles n'ont selon ces ONG presque jamais connue) que, en rétablissant ainsi des relations de confiance entre elles et les autorités publiques, à les poser en citoyens à part entière du Guatemala. Rien n'est moins évident cependant tant cette double identité de victime et de citoyen, pensée comme cohérente et naturelle par les représentants de ces ONG, pose des dilemmes pratiques difficilement surmontables aux populations locales. C'est ce que je voudrais montrer dans cet article en focalisant l'attention sur la rencontre concrète qui s'opère entre une ONG particulière (le CALDH) et les survivants d'un massacre (Tut) réfugiés dans un village voisin, Wa'il.

Several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) operating in Guatemala in the post-civil conflict (1960-1996) era are dedicated to following up on the work of the country's two "Truth Commissions"; their objective is to contribute to a bottom up reconstruction of the democracy in Guatemala. Both of international & Guatemalan origin, they operate in the capital or in the villages where massacres took place. They work to convince local populations to testify to the atrocities that they endured & to endorse the status of victims bearing rights that must be upheld by their government. From these NGOs' point of view, this process will help these people to achieve two goals. Firstly, asserting their rights as victims will allow them to recover a certain dignity (which according to these NGOs, has never been recognized), & secondly, the reestablishment of a relationship of trust between them & the public authorities will allow them to become fully-fledged Guatemalan citizens. However, these objectives will remain elusive as long as this double identity of victim & citizen, conceived as coherent & natural by NGO workers, poses difficult-to-overcome dilemmas for local people. In this article, I address this problematic by focusing on the concrete interactions between one NGO in particular (the CALDH) & the survivors of the massacre of Tut. who found refuge in the neighboring village of Wa'il. Adapted from the source document.

"Power through Testimony documents how survivors are remembering and reframing our understanding of residential schools in the wake of the 2007 Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, which includes the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, a forum for survivors, families, and communities to share their memories and stories with the Canadian public. The commission closed and reported in 2015, and this timely volume reveals what was happening on the ground. Drawing on field research during the commission and in local communities, the contributors reveal how survivors are unsettling colonial narratives about residential schools and how churches and former school staff are receiving or resisting the new 'residential school story'."--

AbstractIn Canada, the relationship between Indigenous Nations and mining corporations is characterized by asymmetrical power dynamics. To address this situation, several Indigenous Nations who see mining as an opportunity to realize their financial autonomy have developed mechanisms to enhance their capacity to regulate how their traditional territories are exploited. Drawing on collaborative research conducted with the Cree of Eeyou Istchee, we show how these initiatives can allow Indigenous peoples to reconcile mining with ways of life seemingly at odds with extractive development. From local perspectives, the Eeyouch have managed to persuade the developers of the mine operating on their territory to meaningfully engage with Iiyiyiuituwin—the "Eeyou way of life," fundamentally anchored in respect for and reciprocity with the land. While numerous Indigenous Nations exercise their sovereignty by opposing extractive development, others realize it through building relationship with corporations in ways that sustain their enduring political philosophy.

The Canadian government's recent cuts to healthcare coverage for refugee claimants has rekindled the debate in Canada about what medical services should be provided to individuals with precarious immigration status, and who should pay for these services. This article further explores this debate, focussing on the perceptions of healthcare workers in Montreal, a large multiethnic Canadian city. In April–June 2010, an online survey was conducted to assess how clinicians, administrators, and support staff in Montreal contend with the ethical and professional dilemmas raised by the issue of access to healthcare services for pregnant women and children who are partially or completely uninsured. Drawing on qualitative analysis of answers (n = 237) to three open-ended survey questions, we identify the discursive frameworks that our respondents mobilized when arguing for, or against, universal access to healthcare for uninsured patients. In doing so, we highlight how their positions relate to their self-evaluations of Canada's socioeconomic situation, as well as their ideological representations of, and sense of social connection to, precarious status immigrants. Interestingly, while abstract values lead some healthcare workers to perceive uninsured immigrants as "deserving" of universal access to healthcare, negative perceptions of these migrants, coupled with pragmatic considerations, pushed most workers to view the uninsured as "underserving" of free care. For a majority of our respondents, the right to healthcare of precarious status immigrants has become a "privilege", that as taxpayers, they are increasingly less willing to contribute to. We conclude by arguing for a reconsideration of access to healthcare as a right, and offer recommendations to move in this direction.