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A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) asserts that concepts of ethnocultural justice, public recognition, & accommodation of diversity are not novelties in Eastern Central Europe. Thus, it is contended that liberal-pluralist theory is not a revelation, but will have two key practical consequences: (1) Classical liberal teaching that speaks to ethnocultural neutrality might lead to majority aspirations & demagoguery & liberal canons might justify concepts equating majority with normalcy. (2) Liberal-pluralist concepts might provide a means to implement a policy of ethnocultural justice in the context of modern democracy. Three facets of ethnocultural justice are then identified: separate space for minorities, equitable sharing of public space, & neutralization of ethnic undercurrents & biases. The last facet is elaborated on in the context of former Yugoslavia before considering the Dayton Agreement as a lost opportunity for turning to Western liberal-pluralist political theory as a springboard to ethnocultural justice. It is concluded that the Eastern Central European experience demonstrates that ethnocultural neutrality & group-neutral regulation cannot accommodate cultural pluralism nor guarantee stable & peaceful ethnic majority-minority relations. Western liberal-pluralist theory eschews diversity & cannot provide viable models of accommodation & cohabitation in the context of ethnic pluralism. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) asserts that concepts of ethnocultural justice, public recognition, & accommodation of diversity are not novelties in Eastern Central Europe. Thus, it is contended that liberal-pluralist theory is not a revelation, but will have two key practical consequences: (1) Classical liberal teaching that speaks to ethnocultural neutrality might lead to majority aspirations & demagoguery & liberal canons might justify concepts equating majority with normalcy. (2) Liberal-pluralist concepts might provide a means to implement a policy of ethnocultural justice in the context of modern democracy. Three facets of ethnocultural justice are then identified: separate space for minorities, equitable sharing of public space, & neutralization of ethnic undercurrents & biases. The last facet is elaborated on in the context of former Yugoslavia before considering the Dayton Agreement as a lost opportunity for turning to Western liberal-pluralist political theory as a springboard to ethnocultural justice. It is concluded that the Eastern Central European experience demonstrates that ethnocultural neutrality & group-neutral regulation cannot accommodate cultural pluralism nor guarantee stable & peaceful ethnic majority-minority relations. Western liberal-pluralist theory eschews diversity & cannot provide viable models of accommodation & cohabitation in the context of ethnic pluralism. J. Zendejas

The former Yugoslavia, & its contemporary successor states, have always had a minority problem, even if it was not always recognized as such. The federal constitution of 1974 made a terminological distinction between nations & nationalities -- the former referring to the Slavic nations that founded the Yugoslav state (including Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrins, Macedonians, & Moslems), & the latter to various other minority ethnic groups. The significance of this distinction was intially symbolic, but it quickly assumed more practical importance after the breakup of Yugoslavia, as patterns of deprivation in Kosovo & Vojvodina reveal. Several possible legal strategies for minority protection are identified, the most crucial of which may be the enactment of legal rules based on empathy. M. Maguire

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