Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Series Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction: Poverty Reduction through Land Transfers -- Part 1: The Discursive Construction of Pro-poor Land Reform -- 1. Pro-poor Reforms: The Propertizing Paradigm -- 2. Pro-poor Land Reform in Eurasia -- 3. The Reform Continuum: From China to Russia -- Part 2: A "Monetizing" Perspective -- 4. Smallholders: A Fieldwork Study of Resilience and Resistance -- 5. Resilience: Survival and Growth of Smallholder Agriculture -- 6. Resistance: Smallholders against Commercialization -- Conclusions: The Limits of Pro-poor Land Reform -- Appendix: List of Respondents in Romania and Ukraine, 2013-2019 -- Notes -- References -- Index.

AbstractEastern Europe has been the object of orientalising discourses portraying it as a region defined by problematic statehood, underdevelopment, and nationalist‐religious warmongering. These discourses have produced 19th‐century mental maps of Europe contrasting a perceived 'core' European area ending with the Frankish Empire's eastern border and coinciding with later Enlightenment influence and an indistinct 'Orient' or 'East', bypassed by "modernising" processes. This contribution focuses on (post‐)Cold War discourses in social science and shows how these discourses re‐produce 19th‐century layers of orientalising map‐making and keep East‐West differences alive by tracing deficient, fragile or repressive state institutions back to alleged Eastern European 'mentalities'.

This article emphasises the non-economic goals of economic nationalism and in particular its often overlooked political goals. Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism. The article traces this turn to ideational foundations developed by right-wing intellectuals over the last two decades, arguing that right-wing intellectuals believed that liberalism has failed what they conceived of its most important (political) purpose, the need of a radical break with the communist past. Based on a study of the writings and careers of leading Polish and Hungarian right-wing intellectuals, the article draws attention to the nature of the perceived threat to the nation. It contributes to the sociology of nationalism an analysis of how such a threat emerges and translates into a guiding idea of illiberal economic policies.

AbstractThis article emphasises the non‐economic goals of economic nationalism and in particular its often overlooked political goals. Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism. The article traces this turn to ideational foundations developed by right‐wing intellectuals over the last two decades, arguing that right‐wing intellectuals believed that liberalism has failed what they conceived of its most important (political) purpose, the need of a radical break with the communist past. Based on a study of the writings and careers of leading Polish and Hungarian right‐wing intellectuals, the article draws attention to the nature of the perceived threat to the nation. It contributes to the sociology of nationalism an analysis of how such a threat emerges and translates into a guiding idea of illiberal economic policies.

This article explores the "quality battlefield" in the food economy – the dispute over value conventions between mainstream business actors and alternative food networks. It shows how actors in one particular alternative network – the solidarity economy – shift such notions from product qualities to the qualities of relations in production. Opposing the standardized criteria characterizing private certification schemes and organic certification, they struggle to establish the value of their products by creating and circulating verifiable stories proving their involvement in the solidarity economy. These stories further emphasize the distance to standard business motivations, for instance by accentuating the cooperative rather than competitive relations with other producers. The article illustrates the features and tensions of value conventions in alternative food networks by contrasting actors in mainstream agriculture with an expanding organization of agricultural producers adhering to solidarity economy and operating in the grocery sector in Sicily, Italy.