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AbstractScholars agree that digital technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) pose a political challenge. In this article, we study empirically how different actors in the German political system define AI as a policy problem. We use an original data set of 6421 statements by representatives of political parties, interest groups, scientific experts, and public officials in parliamentary debates, government consultations, and quality newspapers. Through Discourse Network Analysis and quantitative text analyses we show that most actors define AI as technology (innovation) policy and link it to government operations, international cooperation, and macroeconomics. Although they are present, consumer protection, labor, and education seem to be less important policy issues concerning AI. The results imply that the capacity of the national government to reduce problem definition uncertainty and to steer the political agenda is difficult and that most actors focus on technological innovation rather than civil rights‐related aspects.

AbstractThe "policy subsystem" has long been a key concept in our understanding of how policies on a given topic are produced. However, we know much less about policymaking in nascent policy subsystems. This article draws on the theories of agenda-setting and venue shopping to argue that the similarity and convergence of policy subsystems' agendas across different institutional venues and over time are features that distinguish more nascent policy subsystems from their more established, mature counterparts. In simple terms, policy venues' agendas converge when policy actors begin to discuss the same issues and instruments instead of talking past one another. The article illustrates this argument using textual data on Germany's emerging Artificial Intelligence (AI) policy: print media debates, parliamentary debates, and a government consultation from the period between November 2017 and November 2019. The insights from our analysis show that actors emphasize somewhat different policy issues and instruments related to AI in different venues. Nevertheless, the longitudinal analysis suggests that the debate does seem to converge across different venues, which indicates the formation of a subsystem-specific policy agenda regarding AI.

AbstractElected members of parliament (MPs) are supposed to represent their constituents and, thus, to have an accurate perception of citizens' policy preferences. It is often assumed that direct democracy instruments, such as the popular initiative and the referendum, have a positive impact on MPs' perceptual accuracy. This study assesses whether direct democracy has the expected positive effect in Switzerland. It measures how accurately MPs perceive their constituents' opinions on a variety of policy proposals through a parallel survey of 97 national MPs and 4677 citizens. Empirical evidence shows that MPs perceive policy proposals that have been subjected to a direct democracy vote more accurately. Furthermore, MPs have a higher perceptual accuracy if the policy proposal submitted to a popular vote was conflictual with a narrow ballot outcome. Direct democracy thus fosters political representation as popular votes constitute an important source of information and sustain MPs' ability to accurately assess citizens' preferences.

This study analyses how information provided by different types of interest groups influences the ability of members of parliament (MPs) to accurately perceive the preferences of those citizens who voted them into office. To study how information provision by interest groups affects MPs' perceptions, we combine unique data from a citizen survey and face-to-face meetings with 151 federal MPs in Switzerland, thus enabling a comparison of actual voter preferences with MPs' estimations of these preferences. Ties to citizen groups, as self-reported by MPs in our survey, relate to more accurate perceptions by MPs, even when controlling for MPs' partisan affiliation. Ties to business groups, as declared in the official registry, relate to less accurate perceptions. These findings suggest that interest groups can both tighten and weaken MPs' link to their party voters, which might have repercussions on substantive representation and democratic accountability.

This study analyses how information provided by different types of interest groups influences the ability of members of parliament (MPs) to accurately perceive the preferences of those citizens who voted them into office. To study how information provision by interest groups affects MPs' perceptions, we combine unique data from a citizen survey and face-to-face meetings with 151 federal MPs in Switzerland, thus enabling a comparison of actual voter preferences with MPs' estimations of these preferences. Ties to citizen groups, as self-reported by MPs in our survey, relate to more accurate perceptions by MPs, even when controlling for MPs' partisan affiliation. Ties to business groups, as declared in the official registry, relate to less accurate perceptions. These findings suggest that interest groups can both tighten and weaken MPs' link to their party voters, which might have repercussions on substantive representation and democratic accountability.

Elected members of parliament (MPs) are supposed to represent their constituents and, thus, to have an accurate perception of citizens' policy preferences. It is often assumed that direct democracy instruments, such as the popular initiative and the referendum, have a positive impact on MPs' perceptual accuracy. This study assesses whether direct democracy has the expected positive effect in Switzerland. It measures how accurately MPs perceive their constituents' opinions on a variety of policy proposals through a parallel survey of 97 national MPs and 4677 citizens. Empirical evidence shows that MPs perceive policy proposals that have been subjected to a direct democracy vote more accurately. Furthermore, MPs have a higher perceptual accuracy if the policy proposal submitted to a popular vote was conflictual with a narrow ballot outcome. Direct democracy thus fosters political representation as popular votes constitute an important source of information and sustain MPs' ability to accurately assess citizens' preferences.

This study analyses how information provided by different types of interest groups influences the ability of members of parliament (MPs) to accurately perceive the preferences of those citizens who voted them into office. To study how information provision by interest groups affects MPs' perceptions, we combine unique data from a citizen survey and face-to-face meetings with 151 federal MPs in Switzerland, thus enabling a comparison of actual voter preferences with MPs' estimations of these preferences. Ties to citizen groups, as revealed in a survey, relate to more accurate perceptions by MPs, even when controlling for MPs' partisan affiliation. Ties to business groups, as revealed in the official registry, relate to less accurate perceptions. These findings suggest that interest groups can both tighten and weaken MPs' link to their party voters, which might have repercussions on substantive representation and democratic accountability.

Les députés au Parlement demandent des évaluations des politiques et utilisent les observations qui en résultent pour éclairer le processus législatif et demander des comptes au gouvernement. Étant donné que la plupart des représentants élus ont noué des liens solides avec des groupes d'intérêt, on est en droit de se demander si ces relations privilégiées influencent le comportement des députés au Parlement. Dans la présente étude, nous examinons dans quelle mesure les liens qu'entretiennent les députés avec des groupes influencent leurs demandes d'évaluation des politiques. Les données empiriques indiquent qu'indépendamment des caractéristiques du parti de l'individu, les députés ont plus de chances de demander des évaluations dans les domaines stratégiques où ils ont des liens avec un groupe. Cette observation vaut également même lorsque l'on tient compte d'une mesure classique relevant de la spécialisation du député, comme l'appartenance à une commission législative. Ces observations indiquent que les liens entre les députés et les différents types de groupes d'intérêts doivent être pris en considération lorsque l'on tente d'expliquer le comportement parlementaire dans les différents domaines stratégiques. Remarques à l'intention des praticiens Pour influencer le processus d'élaboration des politiques, les groupes d'intérêt participent aux procédures de consultation et aux audiences parlementaires, ils font pression sur les représentants élus et apportent leur expertise stratégique aux décideurs. Ces stratégies de défense des intérêts ont fait l'objet de nombreuses études. Dans le présent article, nous innovons en démontrant que les groupes d'intérêt favorisent en outre la réalisation d'évaluations stratégiques. Les députés ayant des liens avec un groupe d'intérêt travaillant dans un domaine spécifique sont susceptibles de demander des évaluations stratégiques dans ce domaine de politique. Les groupes d'intérêt renforcent la demande parlementaire d'évaluations et, dès lors, peuvent potentiellement contribuer à l'imputabilité du gouvernement et de l'administration publique.

Major economic peak-level associations, because of their various resources (in terms of membership, finance and institutional reconnaissance by public authorities) have be-come central political actors of the Swiss neo-corporatist regime. They were considered the dominant actors of the pre-parliamentary phase of the decision-making process (extra-parlia-mentary committees, consultation procedures), identified as the most important phase, whereas the Parliament only marginally modified the proposals of the Federal Council. However, since the beginning of the 1990s, the strategies of interest groups have profoundly changed, leading to a reconfiguration of the traditional neo-corporatist political regime toward a more pluralist system, in which interest groups more actively target the Parliament. Different factors explain these changes: the declining role of the pre-parliamentary phase, the revalorization of the Par-liament, and the increasing role of the media. These changes have weakened the positions of traditional corporatist associations and favored the political rise of new citizen groups. They have also induced interest groups to develop new political strategies, privileging the parliamen-tary venue, especially the new permanent specialized committees. Despite the growing access of new citizen groups to the political system (pre-parliamentary and parliamentary venues), economic groups remain dominant in the domains of economic and social policies.

The focus of this special issue is on the energy transformations taking place in several European countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, and Switzerland) and at the federal and subnational (state) levels in the United States with special attention given to California. The cases examined all have federalist structures, and with the exception of the federal level of the United States, all have relatively ambitious climate and renewable energy targets. We compare these states out of an interest in better understanding how federalism interacts with energy transitions. The comparison is also intriguing as at the federal level the United States presents a stark contrast with the federalist European countries considered in this special issue but at the subnational level many similarities can be found.

On balance, the results of the NRP Energy studies show that the people of Switzerland have a fundamentally positive attitude towards a transformation of the energy system. However, if the focus is placed on more concrete issues such as specific technologies, projects or personal behaviour it is no longer clear that the necessary level of acceptance is forthcoming. Instead, acceptance needs to be established with targeted measures. These include the provision of credible and transparent information as a basis for all other actions. Building on this, the population and economy need to be able to recognise the overall advantages as well as the individual benefits. Greatest success is promised by approaches that focus on people's local and personal environment including specific examples that work in a way they can understand and relate to. These key messages from the NRP Energy acceptance studies all have a common denominator: acceptance is not least a matter of trust!