Suchergebnisse

The rise of a new ethos of political self-reliance and the continuing quest among Maltese leaders and nationals to bring about a full measure of independence within the shortest period of time, has made it mandatory that the Maltese, despite the smallness of their size and the meagre resources available on the island, should establish institutions that could carry this national ethos through the wake of international bureaucracy and structures. Although Maltese culture is in many ways not a-typical of its Mediterranean counterparts, Maltese life in general is significantly different from that of other, even larger, islands in the Mediterranean such as Cyprus, Crete or nearby Sicily. Malta is not only an island; it is a nation, and, despite its smallness and a long history of colonization, it has finally come to be accepted as such. As a result, some structural features of the Maltese community, though they could easily be considered a luxury by superficial observers of the local scene, play an essential role in Malta's existence. As such, Malta has to be served by a national airline, it sustains fully fletched banking and financial institutions, it maintains a quite intricate network of foreign representations and diplomatic corps, it issues its own currency, and, not least from the cultural point of view, it nurtures an indigenous language. ; N/A

Given its centuries-old origins and the inimitable mix of Semitic and Latinized vocabulary, the Maltese language benefits from a massive repertoire of proverbs and idioms that interpret life realities from the perspective of the common folks. The scope of this paper is to decipher a number of Maltese proverbs and idioms that encompass elements of political power and control. Each selected expression is probed in terms of political theory and contextualized from a sociological and anthropological standpoint. Such an analysis provides a cornucopia of diachronic and synchronic insights on how the Maltese perceive power and manipulation, judge the elites and the privileged, assess the art of politics and treat patronage and clientelism. "The wit of one and the wisdom of many" has organically led them to affirm their conviction that power manipulation, greed and elite collegiality, distortion of political virtues and exploitation of power games to the leverage of both the disadvantaged and the privileged are universal realities. In other words, these phenomena involving power and politics exist independently of the locals' perceptions or interpretations. ; peer-reviewed

Malta has a mixed healthcare system. The National Health Service (NHS) is provided by the state and is responsible for public service delivery. In parallel, the private sector provides services through a large number of clinics and a number of privately run hospitals. Between 2005 and 2015, the public share of health expenditure increased by more than one third, yet in 2015 the health expenditure in Malta remained below the EU average, both in per capita terms and as a share of GDP. Preventative, diagnostic, curative and rehabilitative healthcare services are available free of charge through Malta's public healthcare system, funded through taxation. Inpatient medicines, and medicines listed in the government formulary for those suffering chronic illnesses, are available free of charge. Outpatients in low-income groups are also entitled to a restricted list of essential medicines and medical devices if they pass a means test. Free dental care is restricted to specific categories of people, whilst non-emergency dental care and optical services are means-tested. No qualifying period is required to access healthcare and in general patients are not asked to make co-payments or to pay any other charges. Some exceptional charges exist, as in the case of IVF hormonal treatment. Overall, the population coverage of the public healthcare system is high, comparing very favourably with other EU countries as documented through the EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC). There is also variability in reported unmet medical needs between those in the highest and the lowest quintiles of income. This suggests a not quite equitable access to services across all income groups. Due to the small size of the island and a good distribution of regional healthcare centres and other smaller clinics scattered around the country, there is no incidence of inability to access free healthcare services due to geographical reasons. Similarly, unmet needs for dental examination are very low. Waiting lists for inpatient care for a number of procedures, such as cataract surgery, have been reduced substantially in recent years and only 0.1 per cent of respondents reported unmet needs for medical examination due to long waiting lists. In contrast to this positive trend, outpatient waiting times are long and have been increasing; as at March 2018, on average patients across 18 departments at the Mater Dei Hospital had to wait for 40 weeks before being granted a first outpatient appointment. Similarly, data on pending unscheduled and scheduled interventions in the different specialities suggest long waits, especially in the orthopaedics department (220 days). Long and increasing waiting lists for some radiological investigations can also be noted at the medical imaging department. Malta's challenges concerning healthcare access arise primarily because the same health consultants and specialists are allowed to provide services in both the public and privately run hospitals and clinics. This systemic feature severely limits the ability of health authorities to extend outpatient opening hours, and this situation is partially responsible for long outpatient waiting times. As a result, many believe that inpatient care in public hospitals is best secured by consulting specialists in the private sector first. This helps patients who can afford to pay for private consultations to by-pass, or at least minimise, their waiting times for inpatient care. This systemic feature of the Maltese healthcare system creates pressures for pensioners and families on low incomes who are in need of specialist care and who are not able to afford a private fee-paying consultation. When persons in these categories are prescribed medicines that are not listed in the government formulary their challenges become harder. Because of a lack of empirical research it is, however, very difficult to assess how big this group is: although out-of-pocket (OOP) expenses are reported to be on the high side (28 per cent of total health spending) and are nearly double the EU average (15.3 per cent). This puts Malta amongst the top third of countries with the highest rate of OOP spending. Malta has a mixed healthcare system. The National Health Service (NHS) is provided by the state and is responsible for public service delivery. In parallel, the private sector provides services through a large number of clinics and a number of privately run hospitals. Between 2005 and 2015, the public share of health expenditure increased by more than one third, yet in 2015 the health expenditure in Malta remained below the EU average, both in per capita terms and as a share of GDP. Preventative, diagnostic, curative and rehabilitative healthcare services are available free of charge through Malta's public healthcare system, funded through taxation. Inpatient medicines, and medicines listed in the government formulary for those suffering chronic illnesses, are available free of charge. Outpatients in low-income groups are also entitled to a restricted list of essential medicines and medical devices if they pass a means test. Free dental care is restricted to specific categories of people, whilst non-emergency dental care and optical services are means-tested. No qualifying period is required to access healthcare and in general patients are not asked to make co-payments or to pay any other charges. Some exceptional charges exist, as in the case of IVF hormonal treatment. Overall, the population coverage of the public healthcare system is high, comparing very favourably with other EU countries as documented through the EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC). There is also variability in reported unmet medical needs between those in the highest and the lowest quintiles of income. This suggests a not quite equitable access to services across all income groups. Due to the small size of the island and a good distribution of regional healthcare centres and other smaller clinics scattered around the country, there is no incidence of inability to access free healthcare services due to geographical reasons. Similarly, unmet needs for dental examination are very low. Waiting lists for inpatient care for a number of procedures, such as cataract surgery, have been reduced substantially in recent years and only 0.1 per cent of respondents reported unmet needs for medical examination due to long waiting lists. In contrast to this positive trend, outpatient waiting times are long and have been increasing; as at March 2018, on average patients across 18 departments at the Mater Dei Hospital had to wait for 40 weeks before being granted a first outpatient appointment. Similarly, data on pending unscheduled and scheduled interventions in the different specialities suggest long waits, especially in the orthopaedics department (220 days). Long and increasing waiting lists for some radiological investigations can also be noted at the medical imaging department. Malta's challenges concerning healthcare access arise primarily because the same health consultants and specialists are allowed to provide services in both the public and privately run hospitals and clinics. This systemic feature severely limits the ability of health authorities to extend outpatient opening hours, and this situation is partially responsible for long outpatient waiting times. As a result, many believe that inpatient care in public hospitals is best secured by consulting specialists in the private sector first. This helps patients who can afford to pay for private consultations to by-pass, or at least minimise, their waiting times for inpatient care. This systemic feature of the Maltese healthcare system creates pressures for pensioners and families on low incomes who are in need of specialist care and who are not able to afford a private fee-paying consultation. When persons in these categories are prescribed medicines that are not listed in the government formulary their challenges become harder. Because of a lack of empirical research it is, however, very difficult to assess how big this group is: although out-of-pocket (OOP) expenses are reported to be on the high side (28 per cent of total health spending) and are nearly double the EU average (15.3 per cent). This puts Malta amongst the top third of countries with the highest rate of OOP spending. Similar problems are also faced by third-country nationals who enter Malta legally but who are barred from working: they face more problems in accessing adequate health and follow-up care. There is no specific legislation which covers this group. Similarly, there seems to be a legal limbo in relation to how such people can access mental health services or expensive treatment for HIV. Such migrants may also face barriers to using health services due to lack of information, language problems and fear of being deported. Barriers for trans-gendered persons will soon be removed (June 2018) and specialised services such as hormone therapy and gender-affirmation care will start being offered free of charge. ; N/A

Malta does not have a statutory minimum income (MI) scheme as such, but it does have a means-tested safety net, which provides grants in cash and in kind to those persons who are not eligible for social insurance benefits and to those whose entitlement may have expired. As such, Malta's means-tested social assistance benefit may be considered a basic form of minimum income scheme. The means-tested unemployment assistance (which kicks in when the contributory unemployment benefit expires) is a second type of minimum income scheme. Single unmarried parents assistance is a third type. Non-contributory grants are available to Maltese and EU citizens who possess a permanent residence permit. The social security system has evolved over time and hence is rather fragmented. This means that it has not been reviewed holistically; but irrespective of this, there have been incremental improvements over time to support those most in need. Malta's means-tested system is, however, based not on the single individual, but on the household. Thus an individual may not qualify for assistance if the household to which he/she belongs does not pass the means test. A comparison of seven case study scenarios involving different families that got by on the minimum income (with no other income) (McKay, 2012) showed that the income of six of the families fell quite far short of the 60% median national income – even when supplementary allowances were added to the basic non-contributory assistance rate. The biggest shortfalls were found in households made up of parents (either two or a single parent) receiving social assistance, with two dependent children and living in a commercially rented dwelling. This suggests that the weekly rent allowance of EUR 1.16 for families is totally inadequate, given the commercial rents. Issues of adequacy are very obvious, and whenever an individual is in need but is living in a larger household which does not pass the means test, other issues arise – so that people have been known to register as the head of the household at a fake address, simply to be able to gain access to benefits. ; N/A

This book highlights the links between politics and governance and the arts. The essays in the volume show how literature and music have challenged those in power risking political censure. In addition, they also try to delineate how patronage has been used for propaganda, or to stir up national fervour. They focus on the tension and symbiosis between the politician and the artist foregrounding how they have always tried to influence, challenge, and, in some cases, undermine one another. This volume will serve as an indispensable source for researchers and academics in political science, the humanities and performing arts.

Malta is experiencing a strong economic growth which is attracting increasing numbers of foreign workers. This study investigates the working conditions experienced by Filipinos in Malta, the largest group of migrants from outside the European Union. Survey data collected from a sample of 317 Filipino workers was compared to the results of the Sixth European Working Conditions Survey. While most respondents experience positive work outcomes, a significant minority grapples with negative conditions and perceptions. Overall, the Filipino respondents in Malta appear to face more difficult working conditions than other migrants in Europe. Nearly half of the respondents report that their health or safety is at risk because of their work and over a fourth suffered from discrimination during the year leading to the research. A substantial minority of Filipinos work below their skill levels and more than 40 hours per week. About a third of the respondents are not satisfied with their working conditions, claim not to be treated fairly at work and do not find sufficient help and support from their managers and colleagues. This study indicates the need to take into consideration the realities of both the home and host countries when analyzing the working situation of migrants. It highlights the employment vulnerability of migrant Filipino workers in Malta, and points to an apparent structural deficiency in the Maltese society to protect them. ; peer-reviewed

Malta is experiencing a strong economic growth which is attracting increasing numbers of foreign workers. This study investigates the working conditions experienced by Filipinos in Malta, the largest group of migrants from outside the European Union. Survey data collected from a sample of 317 Filipino workers was compared to the results of the Sixth European Working Conditions Survey. While most respondents experience positive work outcomes, a significant minority grapples with negative conditions and perceptions. Overall, the Filipino respondents in Malta appear to face more difficult working conditions than other migrants in Europe. Nearly half of the respondents report that their health or safety is at risk because of their work and over a fourth suffered from discrimination during the year leading to the research. A substantial minority of Filipinos work below their skill levels and more than 40 hours per week. About a third of the respondents are not satisfied with their working conditions, claim not to be treated fairly at work and do not find sufficient help and support from their managers and colleagues. This study indicates the need to take into consideration the realities of both the home and host countries when analyzing the working situation of migrants. It highlights the employment vulnerability of migrant Filipino workers in Malta, and points to an apparent structural deficiency in the Maltese society to protect them.