Suchergebnisse

"Para México, el año 2000 representó más que el cambio de siglo; por primera vez desde la creación del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), otro partido ganaba la elección presidencial. Independientemente de las expectativas que generó esa elección, puede decirse que fue histórica, pues se trató de un proceso percibido como legítimo, legal y transparente. No había duda de que Vicente Fox, el candidato de la Alianza por el Cambio, conformada por el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) y el Partido Verde Ecologista de México (PVEM), sería el nuevo presidente del país. Más aún, el PAN ganó nuevamente la elección de 2006, aunque, en esta ocasión, los resultados fueron duramente impugnados. La inquietud que motivó este libro fue, por un lado, evaluar la transformación real que se dio —o no— en distintos ámbitos políticos con la llegada del PAN a la presidencia y, por el otro, la continuidad —o falta de ella— entre los dos gobiernos panistas. El análisis de las causas y de los resultados de la alternancia política en México debe ser constante. Sirva este libro para contribuir a una reflexión sustentada, detallada y objetiva sobre los distintos liderazgos políticos que han caracterizado al siglo XXI mexicano." -- Page 4 of cover

El artículo analiza la participación del gobierno mexicano en distintas iniciativas en la ONU y la OEA. Después de un breve resumen sobre las características más destacadas del multilateralismo, el trabajo examina la actividad de México en la ONU en varios temas para influir en la gobernanza mundial en congruencia con el objetivo de hacer de México un actor con responsabilidad global. Posteriormente, aborda la política de México respecto del Grupo de Investigadores Expertos Independientes en el país y el caso de Venezuela en la OEA. Demuestra cómo la defensa de valores como la democracia y los derechos humanos inciden directamente en el escenario interno, provocando críticas a la política exterior e interior del gobierno mexicano.

This paper makes a partial evaluation of the foreign policy of the Felipe Calderon administration through a comparison of official documents that set out the objectives and strategies of this policy - the National Development Plan, the sectoral program and Foreign Ministry reports- with three empirical cases: The Merida Initiative, relations with the rest of Latin America and actions in the multilateral sphere. This reveals a degree of congruence between foreign policy actions and these documents, especially in the cases of relations with the rest of Latin America and the multilateral sphere; the success of these actions is also questioned. Adapted from the source document.

According to Covarrubias, the most important change in Mexican foreign policy toward Cuba in the last 12 years has been the abandonment of a key component of the bilateral relation -- nonintervention -- on behalf of democracy & human rights promotion. Covarrubias considers the governments of Carlos Salinas de Gortari & Ernesto Zedillo as a transition period, marked by a tension between continuity & change in Mexican foreign policy. Continuity, as expressed by the endorsement of nonintervention in Cuban affairs, was evident in the Mexican government's approach vis-a-vis the Torricelli & Helms-Burton Laws, & all through the Ibero-American Summits until 1999. Conversely, change was evident in the meetings between Mexican officials & Cuban exiles or dissidents in Cuba. Mexico's domestic context during the Zedillo's sexenio, characterized by "democratization," may explain the drive toward change -- evident also in the government's discourse by 1999. The new Mexican Cuban policy has been more evident with the Vicente Fox administration. The Mexican government has either abstained or voted in favor of resolutions inviting the Cuban government to respect human rights & civil liberties, & has adopted a language consistent with an overall foreign policy that privileges democracy & human rights promotion. In this context, the first reaction of the Cuban government was a series of messages that stressed the validity of nonintervention, but it then became more aggressive, as when Castro decided to make public a telephone conversation he had had with president Fox in relation to the Conference on Financing for Development that took place in the Mexican city of Monterrey. Covarrubias concludes that despite a visible transformation in Mexico's foreign policy, there is a line of continuity in one aspect of the bilateral relationship: Cuba still holds a symbolic value for Mexico as it represents an opportunity to promote Mexico's democratic image. Adapted from the source document.

La clausula democratica se entiende esencialmente como la facultad que tienen uno o varios actores internacionales, ya sean paises o instituciones, para condicionar cualquier tipo de ayuda o apoyo, e incluso relaciones diplomaticas o comerciales en el caso de los paises, a que el estado receptor cumpla con una serie de requisitos que definan su regimen como democratico. En este articulo se revisa el caso de Mexico. (Rev Mex Polit Exter/DÜI)

El presente articulo propone que la no intervencion reciproca distinguio a la relacion entre Mexico y Cuba en el contexto interamericano, especialmente durante la decada de los sesenta. El argumento principal sugiere que las politicas de ambos paises convergieron de hecho en la no intervencion, como resultado de los intereses particulares de cada uno de ellos. Despues de una breve discusion sobre las relaciones mutuas al inicio de los anos sesenta, el articulo analiza en detalle tres episodios que pusieron a prueba la no intervencion entre Mexico y Cuba, y concluye que tal politica fue, y sigue siendo, el fundamento de las relaciones bilaterales. (Cuba Stud/DÜI)

The aim of this article is to deepen knowledge of the social and political participation of North African youth. This phenomenon has gained renewed social and political interest following the discontent mobilisation of young people in the Maghreb at the beginning of 2011. To analyse this, we presented the results of a survey of young activists from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia during the World Social Forum (FMS) held in Tunis in March 2013. The sample consists of more than 200 young people aged 18-35 who are members of Maghreb civil society organisations. We focus on the methodological aspects of fieldwork, the socio-demographic profile of young militants, the objectives and causes that guide the work of the organisations in which they participate, and the opinions they express to the Arab Spring. As conclusions, we highlight the contributions of our study in relation to gender dimensions and national variables. Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2011-29438-C05-04) ; Peer Reviewed ; The aim of this article is to deepen knowledge of the social and political participation of North African youth. This phenomenon has gained renewed social and political interest following the discontent mobilisation of young people in the Maghreb at the beginning of 2011. To analyse this, we presented the results of a survey of young activists from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia during the World Social Forum (FMS) held in Tunis in March 2013. The sample consists of more than 200 young people aged 18-35 who are members of Maghreb civil society organisations. We focus on the methodological aspects of fieldwork, the socio-demographic profile of young militants, the objectives and causes that guide the work of the organisations in which they participate, and the opinions they express to the Arab Spring. As conclusions, we highlight the contributions of our study in relation to gender dimensions and national variables. Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2011-29438-C05-04) ; El objetivo de este artículo es p profundizar en ...