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The control exercised by States over their borders to prevent the entry of immigrants represents an important normative challenge for an understanding of global justice. Contrary to the dominant trend that has led to the fortification of borders through walls and fences, this article proposes an alternative way of conceiving borders, a way that allows the fluid movement of people and prevents the reproduction of global inequalities. With the aim of ending or at least cushioning the sufferings generated by such persistent forms of structural injustice, we present here a scenario in which the States pool their authority and resources to reconfigure the world economic system and compensate the victims of the lottery for having been born on the wrong side of a border. ; El control que los Estados ejercen sobre sus fronteras para evitar la entrada de inmigrantes representa un importante desafío normativo para una comprensión de la justicia de alcance global. Contraviniendo la tendencia dominante que ha conducido a la fortificación de las fronteras mediante muros y vallas, en este artículo se propone una forma alter­nativa de concebirlas que permita el movimiento fluido de las personas y evite la reproducción de las desigualdades globales. Con el objetivo de poner fin o, al menos, amorti­guar los sufrimientos generados por esta forma persistente de injusticia estructural, se presenta aquí un escenario en el que los Estados pongan en común su autoridad y sus recursos para reconfigurar el sistema económico mundial y compensar a las víctimas de la lotería por haber nacido en el lado equivocado de la frontera.

«Border» and «wall» are sometimes used as interchangeable terms, although in fact their meanings diverge. The former is intended to regulate transits and all kinds of exchanges, so, unlike the wall, it is not in itself an obstructive device. In the context of current restrictive migration politics, it is crucial to denaturalize the hegemonic rhetoric about the need to fortify the borders, showing its ineffectiveness, costs and violent character. This article outlines the approach of «open borders» in order to overcome the somewhat chimerical vision of a «borderless world» and to lay the foundations for solidarity-based migration policies that respect the basic values of democratic societies ; «Frontera» y «muro» son utilizados a veces como términos intercambiables, aunque en realidad sus significados divergen: el primero tiene por objeto regular los tránsitos y los intercambios, por lo que, a diferencia del muro, no es en sí mismo un dispositivo obstructivo. En el contexto de las actuales políticas restrictivas en materia migratoria, resulta crucial desnaturalizar la retórica hegemónica acerca de la necesidad de fortificar las fronteras, mostrando su ineficacia, sus costes y su carácter violento. En este artículo se formula la propuesta de «fronteras abiertas» con el objetivo de, por un lado, superar la visión un tanto quimérica de un «mundo sin fronteras» y, por otro, establecer las bases para un régimen migratorio solidario que respete los valores básicos de las sociedades democráticas.

The steady loss of sovereign power of the national states and the correlative transition to a post-national constellation are, according to Habermas, among the major trends that characterize the current state of affairs in the world in political terms. Against this geopolitical background in which clear guidelines remain to be defined, Habermas outlines a possible political response with a democratic design: he suggests to recover the cosmopolitan project of Kant and to expedite the constitutionalization of the international sphere. One of the biggest challenges in this regard consists in reconciling the need for global governance of common affairs of humanity with demands for democratic participation. The configuration of a post-westphalian democratic practice in accordance with a multi-level structure of international relations could be a plausible solution. ; La imparable pérdida del poder soberano de los Estados nacionales y el correlativo afloramiento de una constelación postnacional serían dos de las grandes tendencias que, según Habermas, caracterizarían en términos políticos el actual estado de cosas en el mundo. Ante este contexto geopolítico emergente, cuyos lineamientos definitivos aún estarían por definir, Habermas perfila una posible respuesta política en clave democrática: recuperar el proyecto cosmopolita de Kant y avanzar en la juridificación de la esfera internacional. En ese horizonte, compatibilizar la necesidad de una gobernanza global de los asuntos comunes de la humanidad y las exigencias de participación democrática constituye uno de los mayores escollos a salvar. La conformación de una praxis democrática postwestfaliana en concordancia con una estructuración multinivel de las relaciones internacionales podría representar una salida plausible.

This article deals with the reciprocal normative implications between the conceptions of global justice and citizenship on the one hand, and the definition of migration politics on the other hand. The investigation is carried out in four steps: first, there will be provided some reasons to overcome the state oriented focus of the theory of justice; then the worldwide poverty and the migration flows will be pointed out as problems that any modern theory of justice has to cope with; in a third step, it will be shown to what extent the national borders have to be regarded as obstacles for an implementation of a global conception of justice; and, finally, it will be argued for a redefinition of the notion of citizenship that is meant to build the normative horizon of migration politics. ; En este artículo se abordan las recíprocas implicaciones normativas existentes entre las concepciones de la justicia global y de la ciudadanía, por un lado, y la definición de las políticas migratorias, por otro. La exploración se hace en cuatro pasos: se ofrecen algunas razones para superar el enfoque estadocéntrico de la teoría de la justicia; se presentan la pobreza mundial y los flujos migratorios generados por ella como cuestiones ineludibles para una teoría de la justicia; se analizan los obstáculos que las fronteras estatales representan a la hora de implementar una concepción global de la justicia; y, finalmente, se argumenta a favor de redefinir la noción de ciudadanía de modo que constituya el horizonte normativo de las políticas migratorias.

In this globalized world, the rights of cultural minorities are periodically questioned, displaced, denied and forgotten. The defence of identity based on culture, which is referred to in Article 27 of the Declaration, raises many questions due to its innately individual character in contrast with the universality of these rights.

In the present article, first of all, some of the most frequent objections against the programs of affirmative action are analysed, followed by an examination of the reasons stated by those who plead for them. Finally, are presented the criteria which have to be fulfilled within their implementation in order to meet the requirements of the diverse dimensions of justice. The theoretical framework which comes up meets, on the one hand, the criteria of a normative theory of justice, and, on the other hand, the update of a republican tradition which understands the political association as a community of free and equal citizens.

The political sphere has remarkably been affected by the massive migration flows of the last decades, especially with regard to the principle dimensions of social life. They left their marks on central features of the modern State, like the traditional notion of national sovereignty, the conception of citizenship or the cultural forms of collective identity & political loyalty. It is impossible to give an appropriate answer to the challenge of immigration without reconsidering the sense of these basic political notions. References. Adapted from the source document.