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Scholars have long debated on youth political disengagement; its causes and its solutions. Recent research (Gibson and Cantijoch 2013; Loader et al. 2014; Xenos et al. 2014) has suggested that social media has become a space where new forms of participation have been established. These forms of participation are distinct and disassociated from traditional participatory acts and institutions, proving to be more favourable among young people. While current research has addressed social media's influence in facilitating new forms of participation, what has yet to be established is whether participating in these forms encourages young people to participate in traditional manners, such as voting. The aim of this study, therefore, was to explore whether political experiences on social media has encouraged young people to participate in traditional manners. This study presents the findings of a thematic analysis of eight semi-structured interviews, conducted with university students. The results of the study show that having a prior interest in and knowledge of politics is the key determinant in whether young people partake in traditional participatory acts. This research highlights that social media cannot encourage further participation for those who feel disconnected and uninterested in politics and political issues, and that negative features of social media, such as the 'fear of aggression', pose as serious boundaries for young people when wanting to participate.

Images of protests and demonstrations are crucial to both social movements and protesters who wish to communicate their identity and their messages to wider audiences. However, the photographing of such political events by press photographers is a complex process. The current analysis focuses on questions of aesthetics surrounding issues of visuality regarding protests and demonstrations. Based on empirical data from 17 semi-structured in-depth interviews with Greek photojournalists, this paper examines what is photographed during a protest and how this is affected by the photojournalists' aesthetic criteria. Drawing on scholarly work on photojournalism (Ritchin and Åker) and photography (Sontag), this article discusses that besides the presumption in the principal of recording reality, photojournalists' practice is also infused with subjective language and influenced by art photographers' techniques. Thereupon, the main argument of this paper is that the employment of hybridized photographing practices by photojournalists can have an impact upon their visual decisions with regard to what and how is photographed during a protest. The product of such practices is usually high quality, captivating images with apparent affective qualities.

The growth of marketing within a political environment has altered the way in which political candidates address potential voters. Shifting focus from policy centred to image centric, candidates now utilise branding as a key component in their campaign strategy. However, concern arises surrounding the emotionally manipulative aspect of the branding concept. When combined with rhetoric features, the candidate can consciously manipulate the feelings of the audience to induce a desired response. This strategic manipulation of language has the potential to shape a candidate's brand identity, using it as a device to conceal manipulative behaviours. This study focuses on the 2016 U.S presidential election, assessing the speeches of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton and examined the extent to which manipulative tactics were embedded within the politicians' brand identity. A multi-tiered investigative procedure was created to examine the link between the brand identity and the rhetorical features, metaphor and mythology. A mixed-method research approach was followed, assessing six speech transcripts through a two-level content analysis. The results identified clear disparities between Trump's and Clinton's brand distinctiveness, highlighting the strength of Trump's brand identity. The study further revealed an overwhelming presence of rhetorical techniques embedded within both candidates' brand identity. However, the degree to which these were implemented differed between the opponents.

By outlining the long-lasting peculiarities of the Greek media landscape, this paper aims to make us reflect on how the political system affects their development and role. Particularly, through analyzing the policy and regulating frames applied to Greek communication field, we try to shed light on the degree and shapes of media concentration and control as well as on the effects of this widespread phenomenon. Special emphasis is placed on the illicit interweaving of political and media interests, giving rise to a media system which has great difficulties in following constructively the technological developments in the field and challenges the active participation of citizens in the public affairs. In the contemporary society of digital revolution market values continue to be dominant. Those who control the private media outweigh the political figures and as a result any attempts to regulate the communication field are always implemented for the benefit of the private capital. Under these circumstances the question of whether the media can act as amplifiers of the democratic practices is more crucial than ever. This is the central question posed by the paper, arguing that the evolution of the Greek media system is inundated with evidence supporting the view that the particular voice of citizen as well as his right to information is under threat.

Chapter 1- Introduction to Visual Politics in the Global South -- Part One- Campaigns, governance, and visual politics -- Chapter 2- Playing with accents in the Khede Kasra campaign in Lebanon: Multimodality in visual politics -- Chapter 3- Elections and social media cultures: politics, women and visuals in West Bengal, India -- Chapter 4- Visualising Hegemony and Resistance: A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of "Covid-19 Hero" on Chinese Social Media -- Chapter 5- The visual construction of Andrés Manuel López Obrador's populist communication on Facebook -- Chapter 6- Los Pinos, a Presidential Residence: Farándula politics and populism 2.0 in Mexican visual culture -- Chapter 7- Representing Change and Continuity. A Visual Analysis of Television Political Advertising for the 2020 Constitutional Plebiscite in Chile -- Chapter 8- Mapping the formats and significance of signs and meaning in political campaigns in Ghanaian elections -- Part Two- Activism, citizenship and citizen-led visual communication -- Chapter 9- The "Capuchas" Revolution: a performative icon of the Chilean Feminist Movement -- Chapter 10- Visualizing the transversal, parochial, and naïve – the artist as citizen's trope -- Chapter 11- The visual politics of extractivism -- Chapter 12- 'Abaixando a Máquina 2'/ Lowering the Camera 2: the power of professional photojournalism in changing the course of the 2013 mass protests in Rio de Janeiro -- Chapter 13- Protest Images of the 2014 Gaza war in the South Africa media -- Chapter 14- The appropriation of visual campaigns by the Laklãnõ people (Brazil). .

"The role of the visual in politics is gaining momentum in scholarly work concerned with the current social media landscape. It is widely acknowledged that the production, dissemination and consumption of visual products in the Global South is powerfully shaped by geo-politics and a power dynamics in which the Global North dominates the South (the cultural imperialism argument). However, scant attention has been paid to theoretical, methodological, and empirically grounded approaches to visual politics produced by scholars working in the Global South. Little is known about the ways in which scholarship in the Global South might challenge and resist western approaches to the study of the visual. Against this background, this project aims to examine visual politics in the Global South through theoretically driven, and empirically grounded case studies, which focus on the role of the visual in formal politics (e.g., political campaigns, the relation between state and citizens) and public and everyday politics (e.g., social movements, activism, grassroots politics, civil society initiatives)"--

Purpose: There is a call for more research on the interface between political relationship marketing and the use of digital technologies. To respond to such calls, this study provides a novel exploration of political podcasts as a means to enhance relationship building between politicians and the electorate. Our research draws on political relationship marketing theory to suggest that podcasts present new opportunities for relationship building and emotional engagement. Methods: We conducted a qualitative research based on focus groups with young people in the Czech Republic in order to explore their attitudes and perceptions about political podcasting. With most research focusing on the USA, our research offers an in-depth examination of the under-researched region of Central Europe. Findings and Contribution: Our findings inform and update existing political relationship marketing studies which seek to explore new forms of permanent campaigning and new ways for the engagement of diverse audiences. Podcasts present opportunities for relationship building between citizens and their political representatives. Authenticity, conversational dynamism, and a carefully curated personalization of the communication create a sense of attachment and belonging.

Social media already serve as a new place for the development of a "public sphere", hence the exchange of argumentation on issues of public interest. More specifically, Twitter has been rather frequently used by politicians and parties in their attempt to establish a new way of communicating with the electorate. Drawing on the concepts of public sphere and propaganda and by conducting content and thematic analysis on the tweets of the two biggest Greek political parties, New Democracy (ND) and the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), this chapter examines Twitter as a platform of information dissemination and dialogue. The aspiration of this study is to contribute to a growing volume of research that seeks to examine the potential of microblogging to animate political communication and to increase political participation.

In a 'fluid' world, of increasing austerity measures in various European economies, Greece is in the epicenter of all economic debates concerning its own future as well as the impact on the European Union. In order for Greece to overcome its debt crisis, the Euro-zone countries, the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have agreed – during April 2010 on a loan-scheme for Greece, conditional on the implementation of austerity measures – 'Memorandum of Understanding' (from now on called MoU). The application of the MoU, along with its implications, is the major content of the public discourse and of the news bulletins in Greece. Drawing on the rich theoretical background of propaganda, this research investigates the way the MoU and its policies have been communicated by politicians, through the Greek media (TV news broadcasts of private and public TV channels, online editions of newspapers and news websites). The research aim is to detect the ways in which propaganda, as a method, constitutes a fundamental characteristic of the public political discourse.

By outlining the long-lasting peculiarities of the Greek media landscape, this paper aims to make us reflect on how the political system affects their development and role. Particularly, through analyzing the policy and regulating frames applied to Greek communication field, we try to shed light on the degree and shapes of media concentration and control as well as on the effects of this widespread phenomenon. Special emphasis is placed on the illicit interweaving of political and media interests, giving rise to a media system which has great difficulties in following constructively the technological developments in the field and challenges the active participation of citizens in the public affairs. In the contemporary society of digital revolution market values continue to be dominant. Those who control the private media outweigh the political figures and as a result any attempts to regulate the communication field are always implemented for the benefit of the private capital. Under these circumstances the question of whether the media can act as amplifiers of the democratic practices is more crucial than ever. This is the central question posed by the paper, arguing that the evolution of the Greek media system is inundated with evidence supporting the view that the particular voice of citizen as well as his right to information is under threat.

The visual is a key constituent in the cultural construction of political-economic-cultural-social life in contemporary Western societies. People seek to understand the political reality and culture through various visual representations. As such, this paper examines the complex and multilevel relation of visual material, such as art, photography, computer graphics, maps, critique articles from. Our case study is the monthly socio-politically oriented medium Le Monde Diploma-tique. The paper draws from the rich theoretical approaches of Visual Culture. Visual culture is concerned with visual events in which information, meaning, or entertainment is sought by the consumer in an interface with visual technology (Mirzoeff, 2008: 3). We are at a historical moment in the Western world where the visible and the readable interact in new ways. In these new varieties of media, picture may be even more important than word. Mitchell (1994) calls this a "pic¬torial turn", that is, the depicted image understood in short as an image-text. ; A dimensão visual é um elemento-chave na construção cultural da vida política, económica, cultural e social nas sociedades ocidentais contemporâneas. As pessoas procuram compreender a realidade política e cultural através de diversas representações visuais. Nesse sentido, este artigo procura analisar a complexa relação entre o material visual, como a arte, a fotografia, a computação gráfica e mapas, e artigos noticiosos de pendor crítico. O nosso estudo de caso é a publicação mensal de orientação política Le Monde Diplomatique. O artigo fundamenta-se nas abordagens teóricas da área da Cultura Visual.

The Research Handbook on Visual Politics focuses on key theories and methodologies for better understanding visual political communication. It also concentrates on the depictions of power within politics, taking a historical and longitudinal approach to the topic of placing visuals within a wider framework of political understanding.

This article analyses and compares the organizational structures of alternative media projects in Turkey and Greece; two countries that have recently witnessed networked social movements. Drawing on in-depth interviews with journalists working in six alternative media projects, we inform on the news production process, the news values and normative ideals adopted by these journalists while covering the news and explore if they make use of similar or different organizational structures. Our research invites a rethinking of alternative media to focus on their unique features and the differing experiences and values of their journal ists. Our findings indicate that, alternative professional journalists' news production routines in both countries vary based on their organization's scale, normative ideals, the political and media con texts in which they operate. In this study, we reflect on what these different news production routines accomplish or fail to, and their broader implications for journalism.

The phenomenon of protests, currently on the rise in worldwide democracies, is made known to citizens mainly through representations in the media. This paper, responding to the need for a broader view of protest media coverage in an international context, examines the ways the 2014 Hong Kong protests were covered by the online versions of two highly influential and appealing newspapers, belonging to contrasting media systems: Guardian and China Daily. By revising a typology of previously used frames and inventing new ones this study conducts a quantitative content analysis of news articles with the view to a) highlight similarities and differences in the media coverage of protests within the above - mentioned media systems, b) find out whether the media coverage of such events with political ramifications is affected by the geopolitical interests of the countries. Based on our analysis, this study suggests the need for revising the protest paradigm as important factors - the protests' momentum, the media systems, the new information communication technologies and certain geopolitical interests - are involved in the dynamics surrounding media coverage of protests and as such they greatly influence the framing process. Moreover, our findings demonstrated that the media coverage of the 2014 HK protests by the two newspapers was reflective of both the media systems in which they function as well as of the distinctive national standpoints.