Includes bibliographical references. ; Employers trapped in economic difficulties or facing tough business challenges often wave the wand of retrenchment in the hope that the problem will go away. This often leads to workers unexpectedly finding themselves unemployed and queuing at the unemployment offices. In 2002, legislative provisions were introduced into the statute dealing specifically with large-scale retrenchments,1 allowing the parties to appoint an external facilitator to facilitate the retrenchment process. Although this new retrenchment process for large scale retrenchments is reflected relatively clear in and simple in the statute, this dissertation will focus on large-scale retrenchment process and highlight the positive impact facilitation, as an option,2 has introduced.
The important question now is Where is the second transition (in other words the post-Polokwane epoch) taking South Africa? Is the country moving away from polyarchy and approaching "a type of hegemony" as part of a larger regime transition to a possible oligarchy? The terra incognita of 2010 and further has to be explored urgently. With this in view a deductive theoretical model will indicate the direction of the second regime transition. Central concepts and structures to be included in this part of the article are complex systems, parties and party systems, as well as neopatrimonialism. The theoretical model will secondly be applied to the post-Polokwane South Africa.
With the establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the central focus of the newly appointed government was to alter and consolidate the policies of the pre-Union colonies that differed materially in many respects and to substitute them with uniform policies that had to be implemented as a consolidated whole for the Union. This central focus was applied to a number of policies, notably those for the black people, immigration, education, labour, national defence and the development and implementation of railway, mining and agricultural policies. However, an omission occurred with regard to the consideration of a comprehensive public health policy by the political parties and the Union Parliament, consisting of white people only. This article examines this omission during the first 10 years of the Union of South Africa (1910–1920), during the three 5-yearly general elections (on 15 September 1910, 20 October 1915 and 10 March 1920), and argues that this lack of consideration of a comprehensive public health policy can be found in the theory of party political responsible government during unification, which was further developed by Kavanagh, that party political manifestos act as the guiding force behind the policy matters that are discussed and decided upon in Parliament. The article confirms that the reason for not establishing a comprehensive public health policy prior to the outbreak of the influenza epidemic in 1918 was the incidental and piecemeal fashion in which expressions on public health appeared in the published party political manifestos, which in turn influenced the proceedings of Parliament. This political negligence was, however, quickly overturned by Parliament immediately after the epidemic, showing the influence of this demographic disaster on political thinking and action.
With the establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the central focus of the newly appointed government was to alter and consolidate the policies of the pre-Union colonies that differed materially in many respects and to substitute them with uniform policies that had to be implemented as a consolidated whole for the Union. This central focus was applied to a number of policies, notably those for the black people, immigration, education, labour, national defence and the development and implementation of railway, mining and agricultural policies. However, an omission occurred with regard to the consideration of a comprehensive public health policy by the political parties and the Union Parliament, consisting of white people only. This article examines this omission during the first 10 years of the Union of South Africa (1910–1920), during the three 5-yearly general elections (on 15 September 1910, 20 October 1915 and 10 March 1920), and argues that this lack of consideration of a comprehensive public health policy can be found in the theory of party political responsible government during unification, which was further developed by Kavanagh, that party political manifestos act as the guiding force behind the policy matters that are discussed and decided upon in Parliament. The article confirms that the reason for not establishing a comprehensive public health policy prior to the outbreak of the influenza epidemic in 1918 was the incidental and piecemeal fashion in which expressions on public health appeared in the published party political manifestos, which in turn influenced the proceedings of Parliament. This political negligence was, however, quickly overturned by Parliament immediately after the epidemic, showing the influence of this demographic disaster on political thinking and action. ; https://doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v8i1.215
Many people are familiar with South Africa's political past – the prolonged periods of colonialism and oppression of the black majority, and the eventual dismantling of apartheid and the introduction of a new democratic order. Relatively few people, however, know what principles actually steered South Africa on its journey towards freedom and democracy. It is not uncommon for oppressed people to rise up and institute change through violent revolution. While some groups of people threw their weight behind the idea of an armed struggle, South Africa's revolution was largely an ideological one ‒ characterised by a succession of struggle leaders debating the merits of communism vs. socialism, forming resistance groups and alliances, and producing authoritative treatises on how to achieve political and economic liberation (not so much a revolution but a bloody evolution). With the desired political dispensation long since attained, South Africa now faces the formidable challenge of freeing the majority of the population from economic bondage – an outcome that few anticipated back in 1994. This paper traces the history of the 'National Democratic Revolution' (NDR) as it applies to South Africa ‒ from its tentative beginnings, to its heyday, to the present time when overwhelming economic challenges are now threatening to eclipse much of the ideological fervour and progress of years gone by. Keywords:Class alliance; colonialism; democracy; Freedom Charter; National Democratic Revolution; socialism; Tripartite Alliance; political resistance. Opsomming Die Suid Afrikaanse politieke verlede is bekend aan baie mense – die uitgerekte tydperke van kolonialisme en die verdrukking van die swart meerderheid, en die uiteindelike aftekeling van apartheid en die inleiding tot 'n nuwe demokratiese bestel. Betreklik min mense is egter bewus van watter beginsels Suid Afrika se reis tot vryheid en demokrasie bepaal het. Dit is nie ongewoon vir onderdrukte mense om in opstand te kom en verandering te bewerkstellig deur gewelddadige revolusie nie. Suid Afrika se revolusie was hoofsaaklik van ideologiese aard – gekenmerk deur 'n opeenvolging van anti-apartheidsleiers wie die meriete van kommunisme vs sosialisme, die vorming van weerstandsbewegings en alliansies, en wie gesaghebende geskrifte oor hoe om politieke en ekonomiese vryheid te bekom, gedebatteer het. Met die verlangde politieke bestel reeds stewig gevestig, moet Suid Afrika nou egter die besondere uitdaging hoe om die meerderheid van die bevolking van ekonomiese gevangenisskap te bevry. Die artikel verken die geskiedenis van die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) soos van toepassing op Suid Afrika – van sy onstaan, gevolg deur 'n bloeitydperk, tot die huidige bestel waarin groot ekonomiese uitdagings nou dreig om die ideologiese ywer en ontwikkeling wat tot stand gebring is, te verskraal. Sleutelwoorde:Demokrasie; klasalliansie; kolonialisme; nasionale demokratiese revolusie; politieke weerstand; sosialisme; driepartyalliansie; vryheidsmanifes; https://doi.org/10.19108/KOERS.84.1.2367
The precise meaning of the concept of (political) revolution remains semantically contested. According to Arslanian (2013:127) this concept "is often used liberally, applied to everything from the 'Social Media Revolution' to the 'Sexual Revolution'". Brinton (1965:1-4) agrees, referring to revolution as a concept that "troubles the semanticist not only because of its wide range in popular usage, but also because it is one of those words charged with emotional content". In some instances revolution even becomes a "holy word" with an a priori moral force which sets preconditions for moral righteousness. It seems that "the revolution" can become just as important as a religion would be. This same revolution/religion also provides the opportunity to gain material and immaterial goods for human-kind (Marcuse, 2001:123). Koselleck (as quoted by Marinelli; 2014:8) argues that the semantics of the concept revolution is by no means unequivocal. The goal of this article therefore is to address the semantic vagueness of the political concept of revolution through a literature analysis, subsequently listing observable characteristics of the phenomenon. As such, this article is a theoretical effort contributing to what Babbie and Mouton (2008:113) call the hermeneutic cycle of ever-deepening understanding in which the different observables of revolution will be arrived at via the deconstruction of various definitions from wide-ranging schools of thought and ideas of revolution.
The precise meaning of the concept of (political) revolution remains semantically contested. According to Arslanian (2013:127) this concept "is often used liberally, applied to everything from the 'Social Media Revolution' to the 'Sexual Revolution'". Brinton (1965:1-4) agrees, referring to revolution as a concept that "troubles the semanticist not only because of its wide range in popular usage, but also because it is one of those words charged with emotional content". In some instances revolution even becomes a "holy word" with an a priori moral force which sets preconditions for moral righteousness. It seems that "the revolution" can become just as important as a religion would be. This same revolution/religion also provides the opportunity to gain material and immaterial goods for human-kind (Marcuse, 2001:123). Koselleck (as quoted by Marinelli; 2014:8) argues that the semantics of the concept revolution is by no means unequivocal. The goal of this article therefore is to address the semantic vagueness of the political concept of revolution through a literature analysis, subsequently listing observable characteristics of the phenomenon. As such, this article is a theoretical effort contributing to what Babbie and Mouton (2008:113) call the hermeneutic cycle of ever-deepening understanding in which the different observables of revolution will be arrived at via the deconstruction of various definitions from wide-ranging schools of thought and ideas of revolution.
The value-free and relativistic human and scientific discourses have led to an era of ideology. From fascism at the dawn of the century, through liberalism and the associated phenomenon of unfettered statism, to the current disillusionment of postmodernism and relativism with endeavours towards new mercantilism. All have maintained poverty, inequality and created scepticism amongst both lay persons and academics. Above all else a renewed yearning for moral and ethical direction in political and economic conduct has been created. This book provides a Christian ethical reflection on political-economic conduct in South Africa as an alternative to current modernistic ideas. This book aims to produce new Christian ethical insight into the value of new liberal perspectives on the enhancement of the South African political economy. New Christian ethical insight will be gained through new perspectives on the South African political economy.
Context The spatio-temporal partitioning of large carnivores is influenced by interspecific competition and coexistence within small, enclosed reserves. Lions (Panthera leo), spotted hyaenas (Crocuta crocuta) and leopards (Panthera pardus) are the three largest African carnivores and have the greatest potential for intra-guild competition, particularly where space is limited. Aim To investigate the spatio-temporal partitioning between lions, spotted hyaenas and leopards in a small (~75 000 ha), enclosed nature reserve, Madikwe Game Reserve (Madikwe), South Africa. Methods We deployed 110 camera traps (baited n = 55 and unbaited n = 55) across Madikwe from 26 August 2019 until 6 May 2020. Von Mises kernel density plots were used to investigate daily temporal partitioning among the three species. A multiple-species, single-season occupancy model was used to investigate daily space use patterns. Key results We found both temporal and spatial exclusion between lions and spotted hyaenas on Madikwe. However, no evidence was found of spatio-temporal partitioning between lions and leopards, and spotted hyaenas and leopards. Conclusions Exploitative and interference competition on Madikwe might be high enough to warrant spatio-temporal partitioning between lions and spotted hyaenas to avoid the negative effects of intra-guild competition. Contrastingly, patterns observed between leopards and both lions and spotted hyaenas preclude the possibility of top-down control by superior carnivores. Implication These findings call for an adaptive management approach, where both carnivore and prey species compositions are constantly monitored. Management strategies such as these will allow for the conservation of valuable resources (i.e. prey species) to ensure the persistence of large carnivore populations across African ecosystems.
The Government Gazette No. 42464 dated 17 May 20191 amended Table 7 of the Animal Improvement Act (Act no. 62 of 1998), which lists breeds of animals, to include at least 32 new wild animal species, including 24 indigenous mammals. The list includes threatened and rare species such as cheetah, white and black rhinoceros, and suni. Some alien species such as lechwe, various deer species and rabbits are also included. The cornerstone of the original Act is 'To provide for the breeding, identification and utilisation of genetically superior animals to improve the production and performance of animals in the interest of the Republic; and to provide for matters connected therewith.' By declaring these wild animals as landrace breeds (in Table 7 of the regulations), the Act implies that they are locally developed breeds. The Act typically provides for landrace breeds to be bred and 'genetically improved' to obtain superior domesticated animals with enhanced production and performance. Similarly, provision is made for the Breeders Association to lay claim to the breed and to establish specific breed standards for animals to be included in stud books. Animals declared as landrace breeds can also be used for genetic manipulation, embryo harvesting, in-vitro fertilisation and embryo transfers. As indigenous species of wildlife are included in the recent amendment to the Act, the amendment is flawed. Here we point out numerous concerns in the new legislation, including the process of consultation, and argue that the law will not improve the genetics of the species mentioned but will have considerable negative genetic consequences and pose ecological and economic risks. We also suggest that this new law is in direct conflict with other biodiversity laws in South Africa. ; http://www.sajs.co.za ; hj2020 ; Mammal Research Institute ; Zoology and Entomology
Preventing the over-exploitation of natural resources is vital to ensure that biodiversity is protected and conserved. Legislation and regulations are therefore necessary to manage resource utilisation, but overly stringent legislation and regulations can have unintended negative consequences. For example, biodiversity research, much of which is state funded, is now subject to excessive red tape to the extent that overregulation is impeding progress. Researchers must navigate a myriad of laws, rules, permit requirements, ethics clearances and approvals, many of which require annual renewal, progress reporting, and submission of amendment applications for ongoing projects. Excessive red tape particularly hinders field-based research, and in our experience, has a negative impact on research productivity in South Africa. If current levels of bureaucracy and managerialism persist, we believe that the impact on biodiversity research in the country will be debilitating. Former South African Minister of Finance, Tito Mboweni, has acknowledged the negative impact of red tape on small business enterprise and economic growth in South Africa, and there are now attempts to reduce it. So too, excessive red tape and overregulation of research should be rationalised to enhance knowledge generation and application. ; http://www.sajs.co.za ; hj2021 ; Centre for Veterinary Wildlife Studies ; Mammal Research Institute ; Paraclinical Sciences ; Zoology and Entomology
