Der Autor hebt die Bedeutung der repräsentativen Meinungsumfrage für den politischen Willensbildungsprozeß in der repräsentativen Demokratie hervor. Auf dem Weg über die Meinungsforschung wird der Informationsfluß zwischen Bürgern und Regierenden und somit die Partizipation der Bürger am Entscheidungsprozeß ermöglicht. (FUB-Hng)
Studies of individual political behavior have not been well integrated with studies of the total pol'al process. We have learned much about how individuals make pol'al decisions, but know less about how these individual decisions affect politics on the level of the pol'al system. Conversely, not enough attention has been paid to the effects of the institutions of the pol'al system on individual pol'al behavior. One reason for this is that studies of individual pol'al behavior have been limited largely to the US, so that the varying effects of diff pol'al systems cannot be considered. Models of pol'al choice, it is suggested, should be expanded to take into account the effect of pol'al variables on individual pol'al behavior. IPSA.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 7, Heft 3, S. 285-322
Data from a survey by the Nat'l Opinion Res Center on US att's to the War in Vietnam in the Spr of 1967 are analyzed in the light of various theories on citizens' images of foreign policy & PO on Vietnam. In order to find causes for PO shifts on Vietnam, various relationships were tested: eg, between foreign policy preferences & soc position, hawk-dove policy preferences as a function of status inconsistency, opinion polarization as a function of level of information about Vietnam, Vietnam policy preferences as a function of orientation to internat'l pol. Multivariate analyses show that approval of current policy, which was seen as a measure of the propensity to follow the lead of nat'l leadership, is the only independent variable that makes a signif contribution to the explanation of preferences in every policy area. J. Galtung's measure of soc position & a McClosky type measure of basic orientation to internat'l pol also are signif'ly involved in the explanation of preferences in 4 of the 5 policy areas. It is concluded that this leaves the understanding of hawk & dove preferences incomplete. One possible explalation is that, as disapproval of the President's handling of the war grew, in response to bad news from Vietnam, support for having troops there dropped. But since att's toward current policy are less related to positions on bombings, enthusiasm for bombing remained despite growing dissatisfaction with the overall policy. 16 Tables. 6 Appendices. M. Maxfield.
THIS STUDY USES REGRESSION ANALYSIS OF DATA FROM A TELEPHONE SURVEY OF 380 MARRIED COUPLES TO TEST THE CONTENTION THAT, BECAUSE WOMEN ARE UNEQUAL AT HOME, THEY CANNOT BE EQUAL IN THE POLITY. IT HAS OFTEN BEEN ARGUED THAT A WIFE WHO IS DISADVANTAGED IN COMPARISON TO HER HUSBAND WITH RESPECT TO CONTROL OVER FAMILY INCOME, AVAILABILITY OF FREE TIME, POWER OVER DECISIONS, OR MUTUAL RESPECT IS UNLIKELY TO PARTICIPATE FULLY IN POLITICS. THIS ANALYSIS CONFIRMS THAT DOMESTIC INEQUALITIES DO HAVE IMPLICATIONS FOR POLITICAL ACTIVITY, BUT THEY ARE STRONGER FOR HUSBANDS THAN FOR WIVES. FOR HUSBANDS, CONTROL OVER MAJOR FINANCIAL DECISIONS AND AUTONOMY IN USING SMALL AMOUNTS OF TIME ENHANCE THEIR ABILITY TO PARTICIPATE IN POLITICS BEYOND WHAT WOULD BE EXPECTED ON THE BASIS OF THEIR OTHER CHARACTERISTICS. IN SHORT, "BEING BOSS" AT HOME IS POLITICALLY EMPOWERING TO HUSBANDS.